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ArabRiskMonitor:A
Conceptual
FrameworkE/ESCWA/CL6.GCP/2023/TP.2Economic
and
Social
Commission
for
Western
AsiaArabRisk
Monitor:Aconceptual
frameworkUnitedNationsBeirut©2023UnitedNationsAllrightsreservedworldwidePhotocopiesandreproductionsofexcerptsareallowedwithpropercredits.Allqueriesonrightsandlicences,includingsubsidiaryrights,shouldbeaddressedto
the
UnitedNationsEconomicandSocialCommissionforWesternAsia(ESCWA),email:publications-escwa@.Thefindings,interpretationsandconclusionsexpressedinthispublicationarethoseofthe
authorsanddo
notnecessarilyreflecttheviewsoftheUnitedNationsoritsofficialsorMemberStates.Thedesignationsemployedand
thepresentationof
materialinthispublicationdonotimplytheexpressionofany
opinionwhatsoeveron
thepartof
theUnitedNationsconcerningthelegalstatusofanycountry,territory,cityorareaorofitsauthorities,orconcerningthe
delimitationofitsfrontiersorboundaries.Linkscontainedinthispublicationareprovidedfortheconvenienceof
thereaderandarecorrectatthetimeof
issue.The
UnitedNationstakesnoresponsibilityforthecontinuedaccuracyofthatinformationorforthecontentof
anyexternalwebsite.Referenceshave,whereverpossible,beenverified.Mentionofcommercialnamesandproductsdoesnot
implytheendorsementoftheUnitedNations.Referencestodollars($)aretoUnitedStatesdollarsunlessotherwisestated.SymbolsofUnitedNations
documentsarecomposedofcapitalletterscombinedwithfigures.Mentionofsuchasymbolindicatesareferencetoa
UnitedNationsdocument.UnitedNationspublicationissuedbyESCWA,UnitedNationsHouse,RiadElSolhSquare,P.O.Box:11-8575,Beirut,Lebanon.Website:.23-00081iiiAcknowledgementsThispublicationwasdevelopedbythe
UnitedNationsEconomicandSocialCommissionforWesternAsia(ESCWA),
GovernanceandPreventionCluster.Thisis
thefirstof
athree-paperseriesoftheArabRiskMonitor.Thefirstpaperintroducesanaction-orientedconceptualframeworktounpacktheriskofconflict,crisisandinstabilitywithafocus
ontheArabregion.Thesecondpaperpresents
themethodologyutilizedin
quantifyingrisk,explainingdifferentmethodsto
normalize,scaleandweightselectedindicators.The
thirdpaperistheArabRiskMonitor.Itexploresissuesshapingconflict,crisisandinstabilityinthe
Arabregion,measuringvulnerabilitiesandresilienceacrossriskpathwaysofconflict,climateanddiscussedinseveraliterationsinvolvingexpertsfromacademia,thinktanksandcivilservice.Thesemeetingsincluded:
Themulti-stakeholdersubcommitteetosupporttheattainmentof
theSustainableDevelopmentGoals(SDGs)inArabconflictaffectedcountries
(7December2022);TheContributionofDevelopmentto
theEnjoymentofAllHumanRights(8–9November2022);Thesustainability
ofnaturalresourcesinlight
ofclimatechange:a
perspectivefrompublicadministration(12–13December2022)andSustainableSolutions
forHumanSecurity,RegionalInitiative
onClimateSecurityforArabStates(26October2022).ThemaincontributingauthorsfromtheUnitedNationsEconomicandSocialCommissionforWesternAsiawereRaffaeleBertini,JulieBryhn,YoussefChaitani,Pattile
Nahabedianand
PietroTornese.ResearchsupportwasprovidedbyJalaEl-AkoumandTalaAbdulSamad.development.ThepublicationswereimplementedundertheguidanceofTarikAlami,ClusterLeader,GovernanceandConflictPrevention.
TheywereivvKeymessages••The
proposedconceptualframeworkconsistsof
threeriskpathways(conflict,climateand
development),eachleadingtoriskthroughacombinationof
twoelements:increasingvulnerabilityanddecreasingresilience.The
report
defines
vulnerability
in
terms
of
likelihood
andstructuralexposure
toshocks
and
resilience
in
terms
of
thepolicy-driven
capacity
toabsorb
the
negative
impact
of
shocks.
For
some
countries,
risk
is
driven
bylower
resilience
(e.g.,
having
less
fiscal
space
or
low
food
security).
Forothers,
it
is
driven
by
higher
vulnerability(e.g.,
a
neighbouring
conflict).••Historicalgrievancesareamongthestrongestpredictors
of
futureconflict.Theriskof
futureinstabilityiscompoundedbya
country’senablingsecurityenvironmentsuchasitsdegreeof
militarizationandterritorialcontrol.••Whileclimatechangedoesnot
directlycauseviolence,itsimpactcanaffecttheriskof
conflictthrough
anumberof
mechanisms.Impacts
of
climatechange,suchasmorefrequentandintenseextremeweatherevents,areincreasinglyfeltintheArabregionwhichisalreadycharacterizedbystructuralissuessuchaswaterscarcity.•Economicandsocialsystemsandinstitutionalsettingsthatare
notcapableof
copingwithstructuralandsuddenshocksare
athigherriskcomparedtothosewhohavethiscapacity.viviiContentsAcknowledgementsKeymessagesIntroductioniiiv11.
Aconceptual
frameworkfor
conflictriskA.
TheConflictpathway36B.
Theclimate
pathway8C.
Thedevelopmentpathway102.
ConclusionReferences1517viiiIntroductionProtractedandcomplexcriseshavebecometofocuson
improvingeffortsatprevention.Thecentralityofconflictpreventionisunderscoredinthe
UnitedNationsCharterinvolvingarangeofactorsacrossthethree
UnitedNationspillarsofpeaceandsecurity,developmentandhumanrights.Preventionisextensivelyfeaturedin
theUnitedNationsSecretary-General’s2021landmarkreportOurCommonAgendawhoseNewAgendaforPeacecallsformoreincreasinglycommonbeenthesceneofmuchoftheworld’sdeadliestepisodesofviolence.In2021,activeconflictsorfatalpoliticalviolencehadbeenreportedinsevenArabcountries,
whilebattle-relateddeathshadgoneup
forthe
firsttimeinsevenyears.1andtheArabworldhas234Asconflictscontinue
toimpacttheregion,theramificationsofhostilities
onpeopleandsocietiescompoundedby
othershocksormegatrendssuchasthewarinUkraine,theCOVID-19pandemicandclimatechange,furtherexacerbatefragilityandvulnerability.TheArabregionishometo
just6
percentoftheworld’spopulationyethosts34per
centoftheworld’sinternallydisplacedpersons(IDPs)and35
percentofrefugees.Theregionalsohosts31percentoftheworld’speoplein
needofhumanitarianassistance,aswellasreports16percentof
global
deathsresultingfromconflictorfatalpoliticalviolence.Suchastateof
affairsposesseriousrisksforsustainabledevelopmentandpeaceefforts.investmentsinpreventionandpeacebuilding,aswellasbettersupport
to
regionalactorsinsustainingpeace.Furthermore,MinisterialSessionresolutions271(XXIV)and282
(XXV)requestthe
UnitedNationsEconomicandSocialCommissionforWesternAsia(ESCWA)tomitigateandaddresstheimpactsofconflictwithinthecontextof
strengtheningsocialandeconomicdevelopmentwithintheArabregion.TheLeagueof
ArabStates’Multi-StakeholdersSubcommitteeto
SupporttheAttainmentoftheSDGsinConflict-AffectedCountriesrequestedthepreparationofanArabreporton
fragilityandaskedESCWAto
presentapreliminarystudyon
thismatter.Preventionisdefinedby
thetwin2016GeneralAssemblyandSecurityCouncilresolutionsonThegrowinghumanandeconomiccostsofconflicthaveacceleratedmomentumforfragilecountriesand
fortheinternationalcommunitysustainingpeace5astheavoidanceof
“theoutbreak,escalation,continuationand12345UnitedNationsandWorld
Bank,2018.Aconflictis
consideredactiveifthereareat
least25fatalitiesperyearfrom
eitherState-basedor
non-Stateviolence.Egypt,Iraq,Somalia,Stateof
Palestine,Sudan,SyrianArabRepublic,and
Yemen.ESCWA
calculations
based
on
data
retrievedfrom
the
Uppsala
ConflictData
Program’s
Georeferenced
Event
Dataset
version22.1.(A/RES/70/262and
S/RES/2282,respectively).2recurrenceofviolentconflicts”.6Whilethereisriskofconflict,crisisandinstabilitywithaspecificfocusonthe
Arabregion.nosharedconceptualunderstanding,animportant
distinctioncanbemadebetweenoperationalpreventionsuch
asearlywarningsandotheractionsto
preventimminentescalationofspecificcrises,andstructuralpreventionortheneedtoaddresstheeconomic,socialandenvironmentalrootcausesofconflictorviolence.
Bothoperationalandstructuralpreventionarenecessaryconduitstoaverttheoutbreakof
potentiallydevastatingcrises.Drawing
upon
decades
ofempirical
literatureondriversandpredictorsof
conflict
or
fatalpolitical
violence,
the
framework
identifiesthree
“risk
pathways”
thatareassociated
witha
greater
risk
of
crisisand
instabilityintheArab
region.
The
framework
is
action-orientedas
itdistinguishes
between
“structural”
riskfactors
over
which
a
country
canexerciselimited
control,and
“policy-driven”
factorsthat
canbe
mitigated
thereby
allowing
decisionmakers
to
effectively
tailorresponseandprevention.7Againstthisbackdrop,the
objectiveof
ESCWA’sArabRiskMonitoristoadvancerisk-informedpolicymakingandintegratedresponseintheArabregion,whichincludesstrengtheningpreventioncapacitiesaswellasawarenessofdevelopmentstakeholders
includingthememberStatesofESCWA(and
theLeagueofArabStates).To
contribute
towardsthisobjective,themaingoal
of
thispaper–the
firstinaseriesofthree–istoproposeanaction-Theremainderof
thisbackgroundpaperisasfollows.Section2introducestheauthors’conceptualframework.The
rationaleandjustificationforeachcomponentisthendiscussedinsections2.1to
2.3withanoverviewofappropriateliterature,as
wellasitsrelevanceintheArabcontext.Section3concludes.oriented
conceptualframeworktounpackthe86Resolution2282(2016)/adopted
bytheSecurityCouncilat
its
7680thmeetingon27April2016.Resolution
A/70/262/adoptedbytheGeneralAssemblyon27April2016.78Desai,2020.By
“action”
weconsiderbothpoliciesandprogramming.31.
Aconceptual
frameworkforconflictriskTheproposedconceptual
frameworkconsistsofthreeriskpathways(conflict,climateanddevelopment),eachleadingtoriskthrough
acombinationof
twoelements:increasingvulnerabilityanddecreasingresilience.Theriskpathwayshave
beenidentified
by
drawingfromdecadesofempiricalresearchonconflictdriversandtheirrelevanceforthe
Arabregion,whiledefinitionsof
risk,vulnerabilityandresilienceareadapted
fromtheliteratureoneconomicvulnerabilityanddisasterrisk.violence,itsimpactcanaffecttheriskofconflictthroughanumberofmechanisms.11
Impactsofclimatechange,such
asmorefrequentandintenseextremeweatherevents,areincreasinglyfeltintheArabregion
whichisalreadycharacterizedbystructuralissuessuchaswaterscarcity.The
third
risk
pathway
is
through
social,economic
and
institutional
development.
Thispathway
represents
all
the
complex
set
ofdynamics
that
in
most
of
the
cases
are
director
indirect
causes
of
risk
in
the
Arab
region.Thefirstriskpathwayisthroughconflict.HistoricalgrievancesareamongthestrongestEconomic
and
social
systems
and
institutionalsettings
that
are
not
capable
of
coping
withstructural
and
sudden
shocks
are
at
higherrisk
compared
to
those
who
have
thiscapacity.predictorsoffutureconflict.
Theriskoffuture9instabilityiscompoundedbyacountry’senablingsecurityenvironment
suchasitsdegreeofmilitarizationandterritorialcontrol.10TheconflictpathwayiscrucialtotheArabregionasithasbeenthe
sceneofmostoftheworld’sdeadliestconflicts.Borrowingfrom
theliteratureoneconomicvulnerability
toshocks,12
theproposedframeworkthendefineseach“riskpathway”asthecombinationof
twoelements:vulnerabilityandresilience.Thesecondriskpathwayis
throughclimate.Whileclimatechangedoesnot
directlycause9Collier,2003.10
Risse
and
Stollenwerk,2018.11
Forfurtherdetailsaboutthetransmission
mechanismsseeUppsala–PeaceResearchInstituteOslo
(PRIO)&ESCWA,2021.12
Briguglioandothers,2008.4ESCWAconceptual
frameworkforconflictriskSource:
CompiledbytheEconomicandSocialCommissionforWesternAsia(ESCWA).Theconceptofvulnerabilityhaslongexistedinrelationshiptothesustainabledevelopmentofcountries.AneconomicandenvironmentalvulnerabilityindexisnotablyusedbytheUnitedNationsCommitteeforDevelopmentPolicyasoneof
thecriteriaforidentifyingtheLeastDevelopedCountries(LDC)asmandatedby
theUnitedNationsEconomicandSocialCouncilandtheUnitedNationsGeneralAssembly(UNGA).13
Amultitudeof
conceptualizationsofvulnerabilityandrelatedterms,suchasfragility,havesincebeendevelopedeithertoclassifycountriesaccordingto
theirscores,orasameanstodetermine
foreignaidallocation.14Whileinitially
focusedon
economicshocks,definitionsof
vulnerabilityhaveincreasinglybeenadaptedtoaccountforthegrowingawarenessofshockssuch
asclimatechange.Inthecontextof
disasterrisk
reduction(DRR),forexample,the
UnitedNationsdefinesvulnerabilityas“theconditionsdeterminedbyphysical,social,economicandenvironmentalfactorsorprocesseswhichincreasethesusceptibilityofan
individual,acommunity,assetsorsystemstotheimpactsofhazards”.15Thedefinitionwasnotably
spreadthroughtheworkoftheIntergovernmentalPanelonClimateChange(IPCC)16
andtheSendaiFrameworkfor13
LDCIdentificationCriteria
&
Indicators
_Departmentof
Economicand
SocialAffairs./development/desa/dpad/least-developed-country-category/ldc-criteria.html.14
Foranoverviewsee
United
Nations,2021Possible
DevelopmentandUsesof
MultidimensionalVulnerabilityIndices,AnalysisandRecommendations.15
Vulnerability_
UNDRR./terminology/vulnerability.16
IntergovernmentalPanelonClimateChange(IPCC),2012
–Field,C.B.and
othersCambridgeUniversityPress,TheEdinburghBuilding,ShaftesburyRoad,CambridgeCB28RU,England,pp.582.5RiskReduction2015–2030,17
andusedin
thedevelopmentofriskmanagementtoolsforclimatichazards.18unpackrisk,
not
only
by
its
thematiccomponents
(e.g.,
economic
vs.
social
factors)but
alsoby
the
extent
to
which
it
is
subject
topublic
policy.
By
doing
so,
this
frameworksupports
policy
formulation
showing
what
acountry
can
and
cannot
do
to
mitigate
orexacerbate
its
risk,
andultimately
helping
totailor
prevention
and
response
policy
andprogramming.However,
the
DRRframeworkdoes
not
accountforshockssuch
asconflictand
violence
whichare
specifically
excluded
in
theUNGA-endorsed19report
produced
by
the
intergovernmental
expertworking
group.20
In
the
DRR
context,
hazardsinclude
only
“biological,
environmental,geological,
hydrometeorological
andtechnological
processesand
phenomena”.Forallthe
reasonsaforementioned,
this
reportdefines
vulnerability
in
terms
of
likelihood
andstructural
exposure
to
shocks,
and
resilience
interms
of
the
policy-driven
capacity
to
absorbthe
negative
impact
of
shocks.
For
somecountries,
risk
is
driven
by
lower
resilience(e.g.,
having
less
fiscal
spaceor
low
foodsecurity).
For
others,
it
is
driven
by
highervulnerability
(e.g.,
a
neighbouring
conflict).Another
feature
of
the
disaster-basedframeworkis
that
it
does
not
disentangle
between
structuralandnon-structural
factors
of
risk.
Structural
riskfactors
are
those
that
are
independent
of
presentpolicymaking
either
resultingfrom
past
choices
orinherent
to
the
economic
structure,
whicharerelatively
stable
over
time
and
therefore
cannot
beattributed
to
poor
policy
or
governance.
Examplesof
such
factors
include
a
country’s
reliance
onfood
andenergy
imports,
or
an
ongoingconflict
ina
neighbouring
country.
Non-structural
risk
factorsare
those
over
which
a
government
has
controlwhich
enable
a
countryto
withstand,
rebound
oravoid
the
negative
impact
of
a
shock.
Such
anability
is
enhanced
if,
for
example,
the
country
haseffective
public
institutions,a
skilled
labour
forceand/ora
strong
fiscal
position.
The
literature
onconflictdrivers
finds
bothstructural
andThisconceptualization
isinlinewithUNGAresolutionA/RES/75/215,callingforamultidimensionalindex
of
vulnerability
toshocks(nothazards)forsmallislanddevelopingStates,andthesubsequentworkcarriedoutbytheUnitedNationsOfficeof
theHighRepresentativefortheLeastDevelopedCountries,LandlockedDevelopingCountriesandSmallIslandDevelopingStateswhichunderlinesthedifferencebetweenstructuralandnon-structuralfactors.21non-structural
factors
to
be
associatedwith
risk.Theremainderof
thissectiondiscussestherationaleandjustificationforeachofthethreeriskpathwaysthroughanoverviewofappropriateliteratureaswellasitsrelevanceintheArabcontext.In
the
context
of
conflict
prevention,
then,
thedistinction
between
“structural”
and“non-structural”
factors
has
a
distinct
advantage.It
allowspolicymakers
to
understand
and17
TheSendaiFramework
forDisasterRiskReduction2015–2030.18
INFORM
Risk.
https://drmkc.jrc.ec.europa.eu/inform-index/INFORM-Risk.19
A/RES/71/276./access.nsf/Get?OpenAgent&DS=A/RES/71/276&Lang=E.20
A/71/644.21
/ohrlls/mvi/why-need-an-mvi.html.6A.
Theconflictpathwayeconomiesand
State
capacities,
causingskilled
citizens
and
civil
servants
to
flee,
anddestroyingphysical
infrastructure,
amongstother
things.27
Civil
wars
alsoleave
behindorganizational
legacies
and
social
bonds
–
theties
that
formercombatants
formwith
oneanother,
and
with
key
stakeholders–
makingpost-conflict
countriesmore
vulnerable
tofuture
conflict.28
These
patterns
ofreoccurrence
have
been
referred
toas
the“conflict
trap”,
stemming
from
theirresolution
of
fundamental
issues
that
fuelledthe
conflict,
underlying
dynamics
andunresolved
grievances.29TheArabregionhasbeenthesceneofmuchoftheworld’sdeadliestepisodesofviolence.Between2010and2021,justfourArabcountries–Iraq,Somalia,SyrianArabRepublic,andYemen–accountedfor55
percentof
theworld’sconflict-relateddeaths.22
Drawingfromempiricalliterature,theconflictpathwayto
riskidentifiestwokeyfactorsashavingthegreatestpotentialto
affectfutureconflictriskintheArabregion:thelegacyof
prior
conflictsandtheenablingsecurityenvironment.1.
Historicalgrievances2.
EnablingsecurityenvironmentLiteraturefindsthatcountrieswhohaveexperiencedconflictin
the
pastaremuchmorelikelytoreturntowarthanarecountriesthathavebeenat
peace.23
Protractedconflicts,especiallycivilwars,leadto
dividedandfractionalizedsocieties.24
Thelegacyofhatredandmistrustresultingfrompastconflictpersistslongafterithasendedandcanbehardtoovercome,asconflictleavesbehinda
dividedsocietyandservesasacatalystforpolicyandpoliticalinstitutiondeterioration,leadingtoahigherriskofrecurrence.25
ThisisparticularlytrueintheabsenceofameaningfulInadditiontothelegacyofpriorconflict,literaturefindsthatacountry’sbroadersecurityenvironment–suchasaState’sabilitytoprovidesecurity,theextenttowhichitmaintainscontrol
oftheterritoryand
thepressureofforciblydisplacedpopulations–canalsoaffecttheriskofconflict.Firstly,securityisoneofthemostessentialservicesthatagovernmentprovidestoitscitizens.AState’ssecuritysectorensuresitsmonopolyoverviolence,abilityto
ensuresovereignty,controloverterritoryandpublicsafety.30
Poorlymanagedor
ineffectivesecuritysystemscanoftenresultininstabilityandinsecurity,signallingthat
thosecountrieswithlargeandfar-reachingsecurityforcesarelessreconciliationprocess.26Inaddition,
priorconflictsexacerbate
thosefactors
that
make
countries
vulnerable
to
warsin
the
first
place
by
weakening
their22
ESCWA
calculations
based
on
data
retrievedfrom
the
Uppsala
ConflictDataProgram’s
Georeferenced
Event
Dataset,version
22.1.23
Gatesandothers,2016.24
Palikandothers,2022.25
Collier,2003.
p.
22;Kaufmann,1996.26
Bloomfieldandothers,2003.27
ESCWA,2020;Walter,2004.28
Daly,2012;Christensen,
2008.29
Collier,
2003.p.
83.30
Collierandothers,2009.7proneto
conflict.31
Armedforcesthataregroups.37
Therefore,
professionalmilitarycapabilitieswithreachintoruralandsecludedareasarerequiredforthe
Stateto
beable
toprojectitsauthorityacrossitsterritoryandimposeorderwithinitsjurisdiction.38
WhenaStatelacksterritorialauthorityitslegitimacyisimpairedwhichcanleadtodistrusttowardsthegovernmentanditsservices.39untrainedand
undisciplinedcanfacilitate
theescalationofviolencedue
to
theirlimitedabilitytoprotectandmitigatesecurityconcerns.32Weaksecuritysystemscan
leadtoseveralnegativeconsequencesastheStateisplacedinapositionof
disadvantage.
Forexample,theabsenceofeffectiveStatesecuritycouldleadtoarmedmilitiasandcompetitionwhichwouldresultinfurtherconflictor
acceptanceofviolenceasadisputeresolutionmethod.ThepresenceofeffectiveState
securitylimitstheincentivesforpeopletojoinmilitantgroupsasameansofprotection.33
To
thisavail,adisciplinedsecurityforcethatpracticeshumanrights,internationalconventionsandruleof
lawinitssecurityoperationscanhelpensurethataState'smonopolyon
violenceismaintainedandsufficientto
preventeitherthedemandformoremilitantgroupsortheproliferationofviolence;34andinadditiondeteranyforeignaggression.Finally,peoplefleeconflictareasinsearchofsafety,theirdisplacementandsubsequentsettlementinhostcommunitiesmayposeariskfactorcontributingto
societalfragility.Forciblydisplacedpeoplearemade
vulnerablethroughalossofland,assets,livelihoodsandsocialcapital.40
Additionally,manysufferfromtraumaandarevictimsofsexualandgender-basedviolence.Heightenedsecurityconcernsandtheinflowof
refugeescanalsoincreasetensionsinhostcommunities.Thisisbecausedisplacedpopulationscanhavesignificantdestabilizingeffectsinfragilecontextsastheirsuddeninfluxmayincreasepoliticaltension,insecurityandvulnerability.
OftenStatesandcommunitieshostingIDPs,andrefugees
themselves,arealreadyaffectedbyconflictorcrisesandtheadditionalstressesandshocksresultingfromaninflux
ofdisplacedpersonscanleadto
tensionsandoutbreaksofviolenceintheseSecondly,alackofeffectiveterritorialcontrolisassociatedwithextensive
periodsofviolence.35Theextentto
whichaState
controlsitsterritoryimpactsitsabilityto
deliverbasicservicestoitscitizensandexecuteitsmonopolyof
force.ForaStateto
beable
toprovide
securitytoitscitizens,itfirstneedsto
maintainamonopolyoforganizedviolencewithindifferentlocalcommunities36
andsecureitthroughitsabilitytodissuadepotentialchallengersorarmedcommunities.41
SuddensignificantinflowsofdisplacedpersonsintoaState,and
particularlyintocrowdedurbanareas,canhaveanegative31
HegreandSambanis,2006.32
HumphreysandWeinstein,2006.33
Ball,2005.34
Fearon,2011.35
De
laCalleandSánchez-Cuenca,2015.36
Naudéandothers,2011.37
CollierandHoeffler,2004.38
Herbst,2004.39
SchmelzleandStollenwerk,2018.40
Corralandothers,2020.41
Landry,2013.8effectonStatestabilitydue
totheeconomic,environmental
andsecurity-relatedstressesexperiencedbythehostcommunityaswellasanincreasedstrainonbasicresourcesandservices.42
Asanincreaseinrefugeepopulationscanleadtoresourcecompetition,thismightincreasetensionswithhostcommunitiesandcontributetowardsan(re)emergenceofcivilwar.43andtheprevalenceof
rainfedagriculturalland49inseveralcountries.Despitethis,thereareindicationsthatadaptationmeasuresarelessnumerousintheArabregionthanelsewhere.501.
ClimatehazardsWhileclimatechangedoesnot
directlycauseviolentconflict,itcanaffecttheriskofconflictthroughseveraltransmissionmechanismsnamelylossoflivelihoods,
competitionforresources,migrationanddisplacement,B.
Theclimatepathwaymacroeconomiccontractionand
foodTheimpactsofclimatechangeareincreasinglyfeltacrosstheArabworldwith21differentnaturaldisasterstakingplacein2021affectingalmost20.8millionpeople.44
Theregionisalreadysufferingfromwaterscarcity45
andlanddegradation,whichmay
be
exacerbatedbyclimatechange.46
Climatechange-inducedwaterscarcitymight,forexample,leadgrossdomesticproducttodropby
upto
14
percentby2050.47Theregion’sexposureto
climateimpactisalsoaffectedbylargeemployment
inagriculture48insecurity.51
Losso
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