王晨燕复习资料.docx

王晨燕复习资料Toward that end, the House Republican Conference last week is issued a 37-page indictment of Lyndon Johnsons conduct of the war. In it, the Republicans did their agile best to sail with the doves and swoop with the hawks. The result was a dawk. However, the Republican dawks could not convincingly square their criticism of U.S war policy with their insistence that they still support the war-Time为此，众议院共和党联席会议于上周就林登约翰逊总统发动越南战争发表一封37页的起诉书。在这封起诉书中，共和党人尽他们所能巧妙地分别与鹰派和鸽派斡旋。然而，共和党“中立派”并没有使两方达成共识。时代周刊创立于1923年，是半个世纪多以前最先出现的新闻周刊之一分类化 国际化 权威性 互动性Time (styled on its cover in all caps as TIME) is an American weekly news magazine published in New York City. It was founded in 1923 and for decades dominated by Henry Luce, who built a highly profitable stable of magazinesHawk美国政坛有鹰派，有鸽派。鹰派比鸽派强悍、凶猛，极具攻击性。在美国人看来，伊拉克战争的胜利是鹰派的胜利。美国鹰派在国会、商界、新闻界都有很多支持者，拥有一个庞大的支持网，特别是美国的军火商们更是鹰派的铁杆儿后台。Jesse Jackson did a number on Lieberman, accusing him of joining with Republicans to dismantle affirmative action programs. Jackson also drew a big laugh from the crew when he branded Lieberman “a Demopublican” who had more in common with Republican than Democrats.杰西杰克逊抨击利伯曼站与共和党人一同废除了（鼓励雇用少数民族、妇女）的赞助性措施。杰克逊冠之以“共和的民主党人”，表现身为民主党人的利伯曼实则与共和党有着更多共同点，引得众人发笑杰西杰克逊（1941），美国著名的黑人运动领袖。李伯曼宣称自己是“真的独立派人士”，并且说“我通常在国内政策上与民主党意见一致，但在外交和国防政策上与共和党意见一致。”run 竞选race 竞选juice 权利；势头measure 议案Speaker 议长gunship 武装直升机establishment 权势集团take a walk 退党go fishing 与党离心离德dry 英国保守党“强硬派”wet 英国保守党“温和派”He blinked 他顶不住而退让Im a family man “治家有方治国有道”的人Decision: its BushRepublican narrowly retained control of the house in November. The new Senate will be split 50-50, and will include Mr. Lieberman. But any ties will be broken by the new vice president, Mr.Cheney.在十一月大选后组成的新一届国会中，共和党仍勉强控制着众议院。在参议院，两党平分秋色，各占50席，而且民主党议员中还包括落选的副总统候选人利伯曼。然而，如果在表决中票数相等而出现相持不下的局面时，新任副总统切尼先生会打破这种僵局美国宪法规定，参议院主席（President of the Senate)一职由副总统兼任，在表决出现相持不下的局面时，他才有投票权。Its all foreign to ClintonLike the most people, Bill Clinton is uncomfortable with what he doesnt know and avoids dealing with it. Fortunately for him, the nation he leads usually cares more about Madonna than Mogadishu; its turn inward following the cold wars end coincides neatly with the Presidents passion for domestic affairs.与很多人一样，比尔克林顿会尴尬于他不了解的事情故而会选择避开。而幸运的是，他所领导的国家，相比摩加迪沙反而对麦当娜更感兴趣；这个冷战后目光逐渐投向国内的变化与克林顿总统对国内事物的热情一拍即合。Two years on Bruni, bling and barricadesNicolas Sarkozy took oce in May 2007 promising to transform France and restore its status as a great nation. Brash, condent and now married to one of the most glamorous women in Europe, his presidency has not lacked drama. But approval ratings have plummeted, unemployment is rising and public sector workers are in revolt. Has Sarko really delivered?A strange and somewhat surreal party took place last week on the Champs Elyses, on the pavement outside Le Fouquets restaurant. Dressed in overcoats to ward off the unseasonal cold, the guests whistled loudly, held aloft a two-tier cake and sang a deliberately discordant rendition of joyeux anniversaire.Fond as he is of events held in his honour, Nicolas Sarkozy would not have enjoyed this one. The placards gave it away, particularly the one that read: Sarkozy: a pandemic all by himself.President Sarkozy has chosen not to mark the second anniversary of his arrival at the Elyse Palace. And it is not hard to see why. His approval ratings, once riding high at more than 60%, have slumped to the low 30s. One poll released last week suggested that 63% of the population were disappointed with his first 24 months. The number of people who approve of his social policies stands at a dismal 36%.The political facts on the ground are incontestable: the rapidly rising unemployment rate reached 8.6% in February and among the young the figure is a demoralising 21%; public sector strikes are commonplace and millions have turned out in recent months to protest against the government.Each week a new constituency makes its grievances known: last week it was prisons, the week before hospitals. Universities have been paralysed for months by the biggest strike action in the history of the French Academy.Then there are the private sector workers who, faced with mass job cuts and meagre redundancy payouts, kidnap their bosses in the hope of a better deal. Bossnapping may yet come to be recognised as the signature protest of the Sarkozy years.Lets celebrate the first two years of his reign fittingly, bellowed Christophe Alvque, the comedian leading the birthday party outside Le Fouquets. The crowd booed, hissed and pulled faces. We cannot do anything about it so we might as well take the mick, said one. We just have to laugh.Two years ago, the party for the president elect at Le Fouquets bore little resemblance to Wednesdays ironic reprise. On the night of his second round victory over Sgolne Royal, the Socialist challenger, Sarkozy was the man of the moment, a rightwing reformer who had promised to break with the practices of past French presidents and drag his country into a new era of market liberalism. Being Sarkozy, he couldnt wait to get started.两年前，胜选的萨科齐在富格酒店的庆功宴与周三那个充满讽刺的聚会截然不同。在第二轮选举打败社会主义党候选人的那天晚上，右翼人士萨科齐站在聚光灯下，承诺会与过去的法国总统们的政策“决裂”并且为他的国家开辟一个自由市场的新纪元。正因为是萨科齐，他早已蓄势待发。France, he had declared before his election, could be reformed in just 100 days, with a legislative blizzard that would sweep away the structural failings he believed had led to years of French underachievement. Market principles were to be introduced into the education system; there would be an immigration crackdown; the tax burden on the rich would be lightened; and essential services would be protected from strike action. Sarkozy presented himself as the architect of a rupture with the statist French past and a new rapprochement with the much-maligned Anglo-Saxon liberal model.萨科齐之前就曾表示，若他当选，法国将在百天内着手改革，通过立法风暴来扫清在他看来导致法国这些年来碌碌无为的结构性问题。市场规则进入教育系统、更强硬的措施加之于移民政策、富人的税务负担将会减轻、重要的公共服务也将远离罢工活动的影响。萨科齐称自己为一个“缔造者”划清了与过去那个中央经济时期的法国的界限并与饱受争议的英国自由经济模式建立起友好关系。In reality, much of the first 100 days was pure showbiz. Nicolas Sarkozy is the first president to have put his life in the spotlight, said the Paris-based cultural commentator, Paul Ackermann. Before him Franois Mitterrand and Jacques Chirac had affairs that were well known to journalists . but no one talked about it. Now here was Sarko putting his life on view for all to see, American-style.Sarkozy and his wife Cecilia chose Le Fouquets as the venue for a lavish victory dinner for 55 of their closest and wealthiest friends. On the list were some of Frances richest businessmen and biggest stars including Sarkozys childhood hero, the soft rocker and tax exile Johnny Hallyday.Days later the former interior minister, who had hinted at a post-election retreat to a monastery, was sunning himself on board a billionaire friends luxury yacht. He was snapped going jogging in an NYPD T-shirt. At his inauguration he stood in his open-topped car and gave the thumbs-up to his supporters la JFK. France coughed and spluttered but was transfixed. The Sarko show had begun and there was nothing it could do to stop it.The leftwing daily Liberation quickly labelled him the bling-bling president a wholly new type of French leader. Casting aside decades of attachment to the privacy of politicians personal lives, Sarko the American had no problem appearing on celebrity magazine covers, strutting in his sunglasses and fraternising with the stars. He dispensed with ties, sent text messages during meetings and took his glamorous family on very public exotic holidays.If his beginning was ostentatious好夸耀的;炫耀的, however, it was nothing compared to the dramatic plot twist that focused the attention of the world on the Sarkozy phenomenon. In October 2007, it was confirmed that Sarkozy had become the first president in French history to divorce while in office. Cecilia, who had never shown any desire to play the role of first lady, walked off the set. Just weeks later, on walked Carla Bruni.Bruni, a guitar-strumming, silken-haired former model with a self-proclaimed history of man-eating and a penchant for singing about sex, was all the media could have ever wanted and more. She was also, it appeared, all that the president could have wanted. With typical super-Sarko pacing, no time was wasted in making the romance official. By February, the couple had married in a discreet ceremony in Paris. Their honeymoon was spent dodging the paparazzi in the grounds of Versailles. Not everyone was impressed.Sarkozy the man has pulveriseddestroy the institutional president by incarnating democracy of the individual anointed by a showbusiness political class, wrote Laurent Joffrin, the editor of Liberation. He has perfectly brought together the contemporary culture of reality television, made up of exposing the intimate, of popular speech, and of ferocious competition. The soap opera of his love life displayed on glossy pages is just an illustration of that.Opinion polls indicate that these reservations were shared by many French people. As the presidents ratings plummeted, his advisers decided to take emergency action. The bling-bling president became Sober Sarkozy.But, though Sarkozy has stuck to the new script, the damage has been hard to repair. Perhaps the most troublesome perception it transmitted was that Sarkozy, the former mayor of Neuilly, the richest town in France, would always be a friend to the privileged few.One of his first acts as president was to reform the fiscal system so that nobody would pay more than 50% income tax. He has surrounded himself with Frances leading businessmen, one of whom, the advertising executive Jacques Sgula, caused a storm by remarking on television: If by the age of 50 you dont have a Rolex, youve wasted your life.In 2007 this seemed distasteful enough. In 2009, as France feels the effects of a financial crisis that began on the other side of the Atlantic, conspicuous consumption has become a liability. I think Sarkozy has a lot of admiration and respect for the business world, for people who have a lot of money, people who make a profit, people who run banks or media groups or manufacturing companies, but the world of the university is far away from his preoccupation, said Fabrice Bensimon, a professor at the Sorbonne who has been on strike for three months.Like many other lecturers and researchers, he has refused to play ball with Sarkozys bid to make Frances universities better and more efficient. While acknowledging that change is necessary, they claim the presidents proposals would turn the academic arena into a competitive business market in which knowledge is treated as a commodity and students as saleable products. But their dislike for his politics is exacerbated by what they see as his unashamed lack of respect for their vocation.He doesnt like us and we dont like him, said Denis Guedj, a mathematician and lecturer who has led a high-profile protest against the reforms. His gripe is not restricted to his field of expertise, however; he is rebelling against the presidents desire to shake up and stream-line the whole of Frances social sector. Sarkozys real political project and this is not paranoia is to liberalise the whole of society, he said, standing with a group of teachers, medics and students in front of the Paris city hall. Thats not the kind of society we want.This implacable resistance is exactly what Sarkozy feared when he came to power brandishing a reform agenda. Although he has succeeded in pushing through some legislation including in effect the burying of the Socialists flagship 35-hour week and the end to some generous, state-sector pension privileges his rightwing agenda has lost focus as the financial crisis has hit home and the French remember the values of a healthy welfare state.The domestic front, then, is not looking easy. But one striking element of Sarkozys first two years is how his relentless energy on the international stage boosts his flagging popularity back home. During Frances frenetic presidency of the EU and its immediate aftermath, when the hyper-president crisscrossed the globe from Tbilisi to Ramallah, his approval ratings shot up. The true success of some of these diplomatic missions is debatable, but the French seemed to appreciate that at last they had a president who was building bridges instead of burning them.The experts, however, are divided. Philippe Moreau Defarges, a senior fellow at the French Institute of International Relations (IFRI), said that despite some good results, the presidency of the EU had been disappointing.The most positive aspect to his action has been to achieve reconciliation between France and the US. But its not easy to find something very significant in what he has done so far, Moreau Defarges said. He wanted to break with the past and create a new foreign policy and he hasnt managed to do that. Now after two years hes discovering that its very difficult.Observers point out that Sarkozys progress is not made any easier by his idiosyncratic style of interacting with other leaders. His habit of making indiscreet remarks that go down like diplomatic lead balloons has resulted in a string of media storms, most notably his criticism on live television of Gordon Browns decision to lower VAT. His threat to walk out of the G20 summit in London, meanwhile, was said to have irritated both Brown and Barack Obama. His style is a handicap. He should have more personal control, be colder, said Moreau Defarges. He risks dragging down the image of the presidency.The Elyse made no official reference to Sarkozys two-year anniversary. Despite a fleeting reference to it in a speech in Nimes, the man who once vowed to rebuild France in 100 days dodged all opportunities for combing over his track-record.Others, however, did it for him. The Socialist party branded his term so far a failure. The far-left Anti-Capitalist party, said he had ruled for the minority at the expense of the majority. The editor of Le Monde, Eric Fottorino, warned that Sarkozy had needed to act now or risk his presidency being dismissed as tele-vision Bonapartism in which the show of willpower wins over reality.The mood at the barricades is clear. For all his promises of rupture and progress, Sarkozy has failed to deliver. Worse: he has failed to convince his critics that his change from the traditional French model is change for the better and not for the worse. France has become more unequal. It was already unequal but it was part of Sarkozys agenda to make it more so, said Bensimon. Society is going backwards.Despite the protests, however, and despite the fact he has become a hate figure for much of the country, Sarkozy remains almost as unassailable now as he was in 2007, as a result of the chronic weakness of the French left. Analysts say he must be breathing a deep sigh of relief that the demoralised opposition cannot muster a single credible challenger.The problem is that Sarkozy has an open road in front of him he can do whatever he wants because theres no one to stop him, said Julien Tripon, a student from Paris. At 24, Tripon belongs to the generation worst hit by the rise in unemployment and the future for him and his friends looks bleak.What does it expect from the next three years of Sarkozy? Not a lot, Tripon said. Thats the problem. There is no hope.伦敦时间上午十点半，12月到期的标普500股指期货上涨0.4%，报1214.8.leverage 杠杆运用inc. incorporated 有限公司Plc. Public Limited Company 股票上市公司美林被卖了寻找买主失败，雷曼着手申请破产在华尔街历史上最为戏剧性的几天里，美林证券在周日将自己以大约500亿美元卖给了美国银行以防止经济危机的深化；与此同时，另一著名证券公司，雷曼兄弟，在找寻买主失败后，申请了破产保护并且开始其清算工作。这些重塑了美国经济版图的令人羞耻的行动，标志着这混乱的一年终于迎来了最终章。这一年中，由于不良的抵押贷款融资和房地产投资，曾经傲视群雄的金融机构被击垮了。但是即使雷曼和美林两家公司的命运仍安危未定，另一危机在保险巨头美国国际集团开始摇摆的时候便蠢蠢欲动。因受信贷危机导致的损失而步履维艰的美国国际集团向美联储寻求400亿美元的救命钱，没有这笔钱公司将命不久矣。这一系列令人震惊的事件将疯狂的夜以继日的周末谈判推向巅峰。在这个布什政府官员吩咐所开的会上，华尔街的银行家们试图去避免信任危机所带来的市场的恶性循环。“我的老天，我干了35年的活儿，这些是我所将过最奇怪的事情了，”私人股本黑石集团的共同创始人之一彼得说道，他在二十世纪七十年代曾任雷曼兄弟的一把手和尼克松政府的商务部长。此次美林证券相比去年市价超过1000亿美元的贱卖和雷曼兄弟的受控终止是否能够扭转在一年中削弱华尔街并且危及到更大范围的经济危机，仍需拭目以待。周一早晨早些时候，雷曼表示将在纽约为其控股公司申请联邦破产法第11章的破产保护，这将是继18年前德崇证券倒台后对于投资银行而言最大的失败，美联社报道。周一市场会做出什么反应，尤其是对雷曼计划停止其贸易运营的反应，以及其他公司例如美国国际集团和身为国家最大的存贷机构华盛顿互惠基金会给出什么蹩脚的回应，这些问题都还没有得到解答。确实，在这个复制了十年前的同一星期所发生的华尔街大型避险基金救援中，10家主要银行同意建立一个大约700到1000亿美元的应急基金，使得经融机构可以利用其保护自己不受雷曼失败的伤害。与此同时，美联储为华尔街的银行扩大了紧急贷款计划中的条款，这将最终置纳税人的钱于危机之下。虽然政府仅在一周前就控制了问题抵押融资公司房利美和房地美，投资者仍然越来越担心大型金融机构是否能在损失后恢复元气。事态发展将影响到更大范围的的经济。