建筑学外文翻译

1、兰州交通大学毕业设计（论文） PAGE 10Perceptible worlds，feasible worldsAuthor：Cristina BrumatCity changing is not a recent subject. Since many years, critics and planners have debated about city decline, even in a sort of playback of urban history. A great many and contradictory images and anticipations have chara

2、cterized the last twenty years. In the Sixties the urbanization process seemed relentless and the term megalopolis, provided by Gottman to de-fine the new urban settlements, had soon acquired an evocative meaning of a nearly pathological phenome-non: a cancer that is spreading throughout the worlds

3、surface. Since the Seventies all the industrialized countries have witnessed the drop of the urban growth. This reversed tendency led many re-searchers to put forward the hypothesis of a crisis, the death of urban growth model. The decrease in the popu-lation growth affected basically the big cities

4、, though this aspect was not given much thought. There was therefore talk of the so-called counter-urbanization phenome-mon which, according to Berry is a tendency that continued throughout the twentieth century. This would lead to the creation of an urban civilization without ci-ties. According to

5、the author, this tendency is to be ascribed to an attitude of individualism, the free circula-tion of people and the fear of violence afflicting the Ame-rican cities urged people to search for safe areas. He actually maintained that expansion and urban degrada-tion are the product of an array of ind

6、ividual decisions in the framework of a tradition of privatism. The dangers and the evils that, in the past, had been at-tributed to a rapid urbanization process began to be ascribed to the decline of big cities, with the result the analyses and the studies carried out by different schools gradually

7、 con-firmed the urban crisis picture.The recognition of the demographic decline affecting big cities coincided with the evolution of the productive or-ganization processes optimizing space and labour Elec-tronic technology with its outstan-ding product and process innovations produced an inten-sific

8、ation and dematerialization of trade, a compression of time and space; besides an overall mo-dification of personal, social, productive and spatial communications.Todays reality demonstrates that the city is far from dying or declining. The urbanization process of the ground goes beyond the city as

9、well as the everyday crowding of cities and the worsening of environmental issues basically related to air, water and sound pollution. In order to interpret the dynamic key of the metropoli-tan transformation, it is still resorted to the mental categories of the past, while the decision to move to t

10、he neighbouring su-burbs is not to be meant as an escape, but as an expres-sly chosen location within the boundaries of the new ur-ban system under development.Therefore we are going through a time when the urban structure and individuals habits, behaviours and values are changing radically. The hou

11、se turns into the core, meant as the intersection between family and reproduc-tive functions; revival and mobility seem to be part of the processes through which occurs this transition. In the case of revival, there pre-vails the continuity with the past; in view of integration, the symbolism an arc

12、hitectural and urban design past can generate, is estimated to be useful. The mobility, vi-ceversa, views the city in terms of functions and spaces necessary to the present: the important values are those heading for change, innovation and are not concerned with the search for the symbolic spatial a

13、nd historical sense of the site.People living in cities suffer the pressure and the threat coming from new groups. This derives not only from the recent migration movements, but also from the invasions of city users, commuters and metropolitan consumers who use and abuse the city.The result is a red

14、uced capability of the city to involve the individuals in getting familiar, participating and de-ciding about the citys issues and, as a consequence, its difficulty to emerge as an object making sense. The leading urban life style seems to be that described by Simmerl first and Wirth afterwards: unc

15、oncerned, superficial, anony-mous, with deviation and borderline phenomena affec-ting growing numbers of people.The spatial sense proposed does not always correspond to that desired or expected by citizens. The adaptation to the urban environment is basically perceptive. It is preci-sely through the

16、 analysis of perceptive phenomena, the images the individuals have of the site that it is possible to identify the needs and the aspirations for the future. The perception of a spatial organization offers planning the possibility to un-derstand these elements and the guarantee that design represents

17、 the synthesis of the environmental aspirations of the groups who make up the social structure. There does not exist a unique image of the city, each in-dividual makes a personal experience that reflects in the uniqueness of the perceptive process. Yet, to the uni-queness of this experience correspo

18、nd perceptive simili-tudes experienced by individuals belonging to the same social, cultural, economic categories and with the same age. According to Gurvitch, in fact, perceiving a space means making a selection and this selection can but be related to the reference patterns which often coincide wi

19、th the social spheres to which the subject of perception belongs. Stereotypes, myths, biasses, lead to the creation of similar mental charts, at times clashing with reality.There exist as many images of the city as the images of the groups who are part of it; their understanding can help planning in

20、 protecting and favouring, for instance, those elements aiding cultural integration and, hence, enabling citizens to live better .This theme of analysis, dealt with by five different di-sciplines, highlights the need to take an interdiscipli-nary approach, of the contributions given by psychology, g

21、eography, urban design, sociology, prossemic and anthropology to the analysis of the subjective relation-ship between individual and environment. We can refer to two main currents: the cognitive mapping, applied mostly by the Americans, and the espace vecu developed in France.The origins of cognitiv

22、e mapping are to be attributed to the American social psychology of the Thirties even if its systematization oc-curred at a later time thanks to Downs and lttel-son, who traced back the cognitive process lea-ding to the creation of the image.It was Lynch， who taking inspiration from the Ge-stalt psy

23、chology, introduced the concept of image of the city. His interest was centred upon the relationship between image and physical forms: the map of the city differentiates in the mind of its inhabitants by routes, borders, districts, knots, references. Accor-ding to urban design, the mental map is the

24、 operatio-nal instrument that allows to improve citizens living conditions, yet, in deepening these studies, he neglected some aspects which, instead, have a major part in the formation of mental images.The author, in fact, focussed on the visual aspects of the city without keeping in mind the biogr

25、aphic-emotional elements, the diversity of images among individuals be-longing to different social and cultural categories and the historical dimension of the city.The subjective investigation of Lynch is opposed by Goulds spatial perception that highlights the diversity of its relevant values. He c

26、orrelated and translated the data gathered in geographical maps consisting of isograms. Together with Wolpert, he la-ter on analyzed the decisional processes that develop in a spatial context: the migration flows seem to be related to the kind of information, experience and emotional aspects. In thi

27、s way the biographic and cul-tural sphere were revived, while the structural aspects influencing these decisions were disregarded. Moreo-ver, the weight given to information, mass-media in determining the mental maps, seems to doubt the exi-stence of the map itself. The studies on this issue became

28、more and more numerous and next to the notion of mental map, was introduced the concept of socio-spatial scheme that underlines the social aspects of the city.Interesting spurs for reflection came from semiologic studies and prossemic. The latter is a discipline concer-ned with the criteria through

29、which man structures and uses the space. The percep-tion of space results being determined by the culture and the language that exert an influence on the thought of the person who speaks and on the way reality is concei-ved of As to the pre-ordered space, Hall asserts that who was born in an Europea

30、n city where emphasis is placed upon the lines, the streets which bear a name, will feel lost in Japan where attention is focussed on the intersection points rather than on the streets. Yet this cognitive pre-sumption may be reversed if we privilege the notion of environment and ascribe to it the or

31、igin of linguistic dif-ferences. As reported by Bettanini, with respect to the solid state of water, most of the European langua-ges distinguish between ice and snow, whereas, in the Arctic areas we find a great many distinctions between different types of ice and snow. The theory of the cultu-ral r

32、elativity is thus reversed and leads to the relativity of the various environments and spaces. There arc, then, studies that intend to analyze the spatial experience as dccodification of environmental codes ori-ginated spontaneously or created by leading groups as well as theespace vecucurrent, whic

33、h intends to be concerned with the physical, subjective space of everyday life. The space where we live is a dynamic space, which evolves conti-nuously. It is shaped through the eyes of the people who live-inhabit it, it is the space produced by values. Therefore, there is a continuous reference to

34、the inter-subjectivity, practice and social fabric of a specific place with the goal to trace back its sense and individual processes of familiarity and identification with it. Next to the studies on the region, the city, the district, the hou-se as space lived, a great deal of research was carried

35、out on the relations with the environment among cultures different from the European.The researchers of the space lived broaden the field of analysis to the deepest and subjective components deter-mining a particular spatial domain. The notion of men-tal map became by far more productive than Lynch

36、could expect. Underneath the apparent standardization of behaviours and ideas, there emerged differences,home areas, mental processes which differ from the obvious patterns. Yet they must be analyzed in their everyday mi-croenviwnments.Our urban life,Caccia-ri maintains,can but take place beyond all

37、 tradi-tional limits, all boundaries of the city. Its dimension seems to be mental rather than physical and this leads us to dwell upon the mentalities, the experiences, the fears, the interactions that occur in our everyday life. Also the analysis of modern urban le-gends and recounts can help us t

38、o understand some of the contradictions produced by modernity. Like ancient le-gends, they are necessary to assimilate psychologically, in the form of symbols, situations public distress with the conflicts subjected to it.可认知的世界，可实现的世界作者：克里斯蒂娜布鲁玛蒂城市变迁并不是最近才出现的问题。很多年以来，评论家和规划师就已对城市衰退问题，甚至是“一种城市历史的重现”

39、的问题展开了讨论。大量的且相互矛盾的形象和预期构成了过去20年的特色。在1960年代，城市化进程似乎是毫不间断的，而由戈特曼为定新的城市聚落而提出的“大都市”一词，很快就获得了一种引申意义：“近乎于一种病态现象：遍及地球表面的一种癌症”，自从1970年代以来，所有的工业化国家都见证了城市增长速度的下降。面对这种逆向的趋势，很多研究者提出了关于城市危机，城市增长模式死亡的假说。人口增长的减缓对大城市产生了主要的影响，尽管在这方面并没有带来太多的思考。因而，出现了所谓“逆城市化”现象的说法，根据贝里的观点，这是一种贯穿整个20世纪的趋势。这将导致形成一种“没有城市的城市文明”。根据作者的看法，这种

40、趋势可归因于一种自由放任主义的态度，人们的自由流动和对在美国城市中肆虐的暴力现象的恐惧，促使人们去寻找“安全的区域”。他实际上认为城市的扩张和衰退都是“在个人主义传统框架之下的个人决策阵列的产物”。过去的危险和罪行已使快速的城市化进程开始趋变为大城市的衰退，因此由不同学派所进行的分析和研究逐渐证实了城市危机的图景。对给大城市带来影响的人口下降问题的认识，是与优化空间与劳动力的生产组织过程发展相一致的。电子技术及其显著的生产和程序创新带来了贸易的强化和非物质化，一种时间与空间的压缩；此外还带来了人、社会、生产和空间流通的全面改变。如今的事实证明，城市远远不是正在死亡或衰退。城市化进程超出了城市以

41、及城市日常人群的范畴，而环境恶化问题主要是与空气、水和噪声等污染相关的。为了解释动态的“都市转变的关键”，还需要求助于过去的心理分类，同时移居到邻近郊区的决定也并不意味着逃避，而是在发展中的新的城市体系边界之内的一种位置选择。因此，我们正在经历这样一个时期:城市结构和个人的习惯、行为与价值观都在发生着彻底的改变。住宅成为了 “核”，意味着“在家庭和再生产功能之间的交集”；复兴和流动性似乎已成为形成这种转变的过程的一部分。关于复兴，这是与往昔之间延续性的胜利；综合来看，过去建筑设计和城市设计所可能产生的象征主义，被认为是有益的。反之亦然，流动性则根据目前的功能和空间需要来审视城市：具有重要价值的

42、是那些引领变化和革新的事物，而并不关心对场地象征性空间和历史性“意义”的探求。居住在城市中的人们忍受着来自新族群的压力和威胁。这不仅来自近年来的移民运动，也来自使用和滥用着城市的城市使用者、使用长期车票的通勤者和大都市区消费者的侵入。结果这导致了城市在包容个人组织家庭、参与和决策城市问题方面的能力的降低，而且，因而难以形成“有意义的目标”。主流的城市生活风尚，似乎正如西墨尔。在先、沃思随后所描述的那样：冷漠、浅薄、匿名，并伴随着影响人口数量增长的背离和分化现象。以上所提到的空间感，并不是始终都与市民的喜好或期望相一致的。对城巿环境的适应主要是认知方面的。这恰恰是通过对可认知现象的分析，也就是个

43、人对也许可以用来确定未来需求和期望的场地的形象来实现的。对空间组织的认知，为规划提供了理解这些确保其能表现社会结构中各个群体综合环境期望的要素和条件的可能性。并不存在某种惟一的城市形象，每个个体都会产生表现为独特认知过程的个人体验。然而，这种体验的惟一性， 又是与在具有相近社会、文化、经济属性和具有相近年龄的个体体验的类似性相一致的。事实上，根据居尔维什的观点，对空间的认知意味着进行一种选择，而这种选择只能是与认知对象所属社会领域相符的参照模式相关联的。陈规、虚构、偏见，导致产生了有时与现实相冲突的、相似的心理图示。这里存在着与构成城市的群体形象同样多的城市形象； 他们的理解能够帮助规划保护和偏重，例如，那些有助于文化整合的要素，并因而使市民能够生活得更好。这一分析的主题涉及五种不同的学科，并强调有釆取跨学科研究途径的需要，需要心理学、地理学、城市设计、社会学和人类学共同进行对个体与环境之间本质关系的分析。我们可以参考两个主要流派：美国釆用较多