西南地区考古文献外文翻译

1、Recent Developments in the Archaeology of Southwestern ChinaAliceYao ( Department of Anthropology,University of Toronto, Mississauga, Room 212 North Building,3359 Mississauga Road North, Mississauga, Ontario L5L 1C6,Canada e-mail: HYPERLINK mailto:alice.yaoutoronto.ca alice.yaoutoronto.ca )Archaeolo

2、gical Research,2010,Volume 18,number3,Pages 203-239Published on line:5 February 2010SpringerScience+BusinessMedia,LLC2010中国西南地区考古的近期成就考古学研究，2010,第18册，第3期，203239页AliceYao (人类学系，多伦多大学，米西索加市，北楼212房，3359米西索加市北路 e-mail: HYPERLINK mailto:alice.yaoutoronto.ca alice.yaoutoronto.ca )Abstract :Archaeology of

3、ancient China s peripheryhas traditionally been examined through the historiographic lens of Chinese textual sources.Social developments in the periphery are often explained in relation to accounts of migration from core regions of China.Setting conventional paradigms and textual sources aside,this

4、article examines prehistoric developments in southwestern China in conjunction with broader trends in Southeast Asia.This comparative approach reveals that the development of bronze metallurgy in southwestern China parallels trends observed among Neolithic communities in Southeast Asia.Using recent

5、data and a reassessment of radiocarbon dates for the Bronze Age,I propose that sociopolitical complexity emerged in southwestern China as part of a multiregional phenomenon that had its beginning with the formalization of trade networksduring the Neolithic period.Keywords: China Neolithic BronzeAge

6、Dianculture SoutheastAsiaDong Son culture摘要：传统地，关于古代中国偏远地区的考古学研究是透过中国文本资源的史学镜 头来审视的。在边远地区的社会发展经常被解释在一些与从中国“核心”地区的迁移状况有关的描述中。抛开传统范式和文本来源，这篇文章结合在东南亚更广 泛的趋势来调查中国西南地区的始前发展情况。这个比较的方法表明中国西南地区青铜冶铸的发展情况，在与新石器时代东南亚的平行趋势观察中。运用对青铜器时代最新数据和放射性碳的重新评估，我认为社会政治复杂性出现在中国西南 地区，作为在新石器时代与贸易网络的形式相伴而生的跨地区现象的一部分。关键词：中国新时期时代

7、青铜时代 滇文化 东南亚 侗族文化Introduction 简介In the last 20years,a wealth of archaeological discoveries and research inChina has demonstrated the relevance of Chinese materials to thecomparative study of ancient civilizations.Northern China,in particular theCentral Plains,has played an increasingly prominent rol

8、e in this internationalforum due to its traditional consideration as the heartland of Chinesecivilization.Scholars in regions outside Chinas core also have tried to takeadvantage of this momentum,unfortunately often following a regionalist paradigm that prioritizes their own region s contributions t

9、o the grand narrative of Chinese national culture over research(Falkenha1995,p.211).在过去20年，在中国考古发现和研究中的一个巨大财富，与古代文明的比较研究证明了中国材料的相关性。出于对传统的考虑，中国北方，尤其是中原地区，作为中国传统文明的中心地带 在这次的国际论坛中起到了与日俱增的重要 作用。中国核心地区以外的学者也试图利用这一势头，不幸的是，经常跟随一地方主义范式一一对于中国的“民族文化”的过度研究的宏大叙事优先作为他们自 己的地区贡献 (Falkenha1995,p.211)。For areas cul

10、turally and geographically far removed from central China,participation in this national and global discourse is not tenable(Shelach 1999,p.53).Nowhere is this more apparent than along Chinas periphery,especially in regions ocupied primarily by non-Han ethnic groups:InnerMongolia,Xinjiang,Qinghai,Ni

11、ngxia,Tibet,Yunnan,Guizhou,and Guangxi.Though archaeological materials in these regions have previously been used to buttress a rhetoric of multicultural unity(Fiskesjo2006;Leibold 2006),current work is gradually attempting more anthropologically oriented programs focused on local trajectories.对于那些在

12、文化和地理上远离中国中心的地区，参加这个民族和全球化的讨论是不会没有立足之地的(Shelach 1999,p.53)。没有什么地区比中国的边远地 区更加突出，尤其是在那些主要被非汉族占据的地区：内蒙古、新疆、青海、宁 夏、西藏、云南、贵州和广西。尽管这些地区的考古材料先前已经被用来支持一 个多元文化统一的言论(Fiskesjo2006;Leibold 2006),目前的工作是逐渐地尝 试更多地从社会学的角度研究以当地轨迹为焦点的方案计划。在中国西南地区， 在政治日益开放的背景下，这个有关考古学的转换的方法正在形成。In southwestern China,this transformativ

13、e approach to archaeology is occurring in a context of increasing political openness.Here I aim to integrate archaeological research in the region from the1960s to 2007 into a study of sociopolitical formations that occur in nonpristine contexts and under the influence of expanding states as well as

14、 competing neighbors.By examining how prehistoric communities in southwestern China came to adopt bronze metallurgy and technology into the regional political economy,! address the economic and social dynamics that led to thegenesis of polit(ies)across the wider region.In so doing,! initiate a gener

15、aldeparture from the main narrative by proposing alternative research agendas and orientations for border regions of China.在这里，我的目标是将这个地区的考古学研究 (从20世纪60年代到2007 年)融合在社会政治形成的研究中，这种社会政治形成是在“ nonpristine ”背景 和与邻国竞争一样的国家扩张的背景下。通过研究中国西南地区史前社会是怎样形成的，我开始将青铜冶铸技术与地区性政治经济结合起来，我关注经济和社会动态，为了在更广阔的地区进行政体成因的研究。这样做，

16、我开始了一个从宏大叙事中进行笼统的研究起步，通过提议对中国更广阔地区的选择性研究计划和取 向Geography 地理Southwestern China encompasses the present day provinces ofYunnan,Sichuan,and Guizhou(Fig. 1).The region is a southward extensionof the Tibetan Plateau,on the border with Myanmar and Laos,that descendsfrom ove r5000m above sea level(asl) in t

17、he north to100m in the south.Thegreat topographic relief of southwestern China is aptly described by the name Yunnan, which translates as south of the clouds. Natural features demarcating this region include the Jinsha River,the headwaters of the Yangzi River,which forms the northern extent,the Nu R

18、iver(upperSalweenRiver),which forms the western extent,and karst formations,which define the region s eastern boundary.Nestled between mainland Southeast Asia and the Chinese heartland,theYunnan-GuizhouPlateau has historically Provided an important communication node linkingthese two major cultural

19、areas(Yang 2005).Modern national boundariesdividing China,Tibet,and its Southeast Asian neighbors obfuscate what wasin actuality a coextensive cultural sphere shared by many societies in antiquity.地理中国西南地区包括今天的云南、四川、贵州(图 1) O给地区是青藏高原在 西南方向上的延伸，与缅甸和老挝接壤，海拔从北部5000米以上下降到南部的100米。中国西南地区巨大的地势起伏被恰当地成为“云南”，

20、意为“云之南”。 这一地区的自然分界包括：金沙江，长江的支流，形成北部的延伸；怒江(萨尔 温江的上游)，形成南部的延伸；喀斯特地貌，它界定了这个地区的东部边境。 介于东南亚大陆和中国中心地带之间，云贵高原在历史上对于这两个主要文化圈 起到了很重要的联系纽带的作用(Yang 2005)。现在划分中国、西藏和东南亚邻 居的国界是模糊不清的，实际上，从遗存的古物上看，它是在一个被多个社会分 享的共存文化领域。Past orientations and new directions过去的方向和新的方向As interlocutor between ancient China and Southeast

21、 Asia,southwestern China is caught between paradoxical research agendas.The archaeology of the region is moored to national history but also has charted a distinctive intellectual course. Although the primary objective of Chinese archaeology has been to document the origins of Chinese civilization,p

22、rehistoric societies of southwestern China share undeniable cultural linkages with theirSoutheast Asian counterparts.Assuch, southwesternChinas uniquegeographic and cultural position has complicated it historicalrole(inChinese national history)and its relevance as intellectual object(from minority h

23、istory and ethnoarchaeology to Southeast Asian prehistory)(Sun2006).In effect,the discord between historical(and national)relevancy and Research agendas has contributed to the absence of the kind of central focus seen in other parts of China.Restrictions placed on the circulation of primary regional

24、 archaeology journals,Yunnan Wenwu and Guizhou Wenwu,contribute to a lack of visibility on the international front.在古代中国和东南亚间的“对话者”，中国西南地区被陷在自相矛盾的研究议程 中。这个地区的考古学挂靠在民族历史中，但也制定了一个独特的知识课程。 图1、研究领域的地图显示了下文提到的在这个地区新石器时代与青铜、铁器时 代的考古遗迹。滇池和抚仙湖用白色勾出。气候的变化从1区域的大陆性气候到 2区域的温带气候，到3区域的亚温带和4区域的热带。虽然中国考古学的主要 目标一直是中

25、国文化源起的文献整理，中国西南地区的始前社会分享不可否认的 与东南亚同行的文化联系。因此，中国西南地区独特的地理和文化位置使它的历 史作用复杂化(在中国民族历史中)，和作为知识载体的相关性(从少数民族历史和对东南亚始前历史的民族考古中)(Sun2006) o实际上，在历史(和民族) 的相关性和研究计划间的异意对于在中国其它地区看到的中心焦点的缺席做出 了贡献。对主要区域考古学期刊发行量的限制，云南文物和贵州文物，弥补了知名度在国际上的不足。Despite this lack of national and international presence,the prehistoric past

26、of theYunnan-Guizhou Plateau has drawn considerable interest due to the spectacular archaeological finds associated with the Bronze Age tradition commonly referred to as the Dian culture or Diankingdom(c.500-C109BC).Excavations of major cemetery sites around the Lake Dian Basin have yielded a wealth

27、 of bronze materials that showcase an unprecedented scale of production and craftsmanship.Themost iconic of Dian bronze paraphernaliainclude large drums weighingupwards of70kg and cowrie shell containers that depict detailed scenes of warfare,Communalfeasts, agriculturalproduction,and weaving.Thedis

28、covery of a gold seal Bearing the Han inscription “ KingofDian in a tomb at Shizhaishan solidified the existence of this prehistoric polity,which Han textual sources referred to as one of the most powerful barbarian entities in the southwest( 1987).Higham(2004, p. 58) marveled that these finds 川ustr

29、ate a luminous chiefdom which on its own accord stands out asone of the best documented from the prehistoric world. In the last 50years, archaeological fieldwork has uncovered hundreds of royal Dian tombs and the cemeteries of other presumed Bronze Age polities documented in Han texts. While the spl

30、endor of the Dian discoveries has certainly attracted wide interest, the emergence and expansion of BronzeAge societies in the region remain poorly understood (Allard 1998).尽管缺少在国家和国际上的影响力，由于与青铜时代传统相关的被称作滇文化或 滇王朝(公元前500109年)的壮观的考古学发现，使云贵高原始前历史已 经引起了学界相当大的兴趣。围绕滇池流域主要的墓地发掘已经取得了丰富的青 铜材料，展示了空前规模的产品和手工艺。

31、最标志性的滇青铜工具，包括重达 70公斤的大鼓和贝克纹的容器，上面描绘了战争场面、公共节日、农业生产和 制造。一个刻着“滇王之印”的金印在石寨山石墓的发现，更加巩固了这个始前 政权的存在，这汉文字被称为是西南地区最强大的“野蛮”政体之一。在过去的五十年中，考古田野调查工作已发现数百座滇国皇家陵墓和其他在汉文献 记载中的坟墓推断出青铜时代政体。虽然华丽的滇文化的发现确实引起了广泛的 兴趣，但是人们对这个地区青铜器时代社会的出现和扩张仍然知之甚少(Allard1998)。Conventional archaeological research in southwestern China has a

32、imed to reconstruct the historical narrative of ethnic minority groups mentioned inthe ancient textual sources. These include the Dian, Laojin, Mimo, Yelang, and Kunming peoples recounted in the Account of the Grand Historian (109 -91 BC) (Fang 1987). Interpretations of the meanings of thesepeoples

33、in historical usage are a challenging problem because the texts fail to distinguish between tribal and ethnic, social and cultural, or political groups.The conventional approach holds that the Dian, Laojin, and Mimo were likely part of the Hundred Yue, defined by Brindley (2003, p. 11) as a composit

34、e and proliferation of non-Han peoples extending from the southeast coast of China to Vietnam. This generic cultural complex also is identified with rice agriculture, pile-dwelling architecture, and the use of frog motifs (Zhang 2001, p. 16). A more recent assessment proposes that these groups were

35、a synthetic mixture of Pu and Di ethnic peoples, who were pushed southward from their respective homelands by expanding Central Plains states in the sixth to fourth century BC (Yang 2002, p. 93).Whether Yue or Pu/Di, traditional archaeological research has sought to document the development of textu

36、ally known ethnic groups, relying on causes such as migration and diffusion from core regions to explain historical developments from the prehistoric to the Bronze Age in the periphery.在中国西南地区的传统考古学研究目的是要重建在古代文献资源中提到的少数 民族群体的历史叙事。这些包括滇、老金、夜郎和昆明人载史记的描述中(公元 10991年)。这些“人民”含义的解释在历史使用中是一个具有挑战性的问 题，因为史料不记

37、载部落和民族，社会和文化，或者政治团体的区分。传统方法认为，滇、老金和MIMOL乎是百越的一部分，根据布林德利的定义(2003, p. 11) 作为一个非汉族人群从中国东南沿海延伸到越南的复合和扩撒。这种通用的文化讨论和结论情结也是伴随着农业、干栏式建筑和青蛙纹的使用而被确定的。最后的一次评估 认为，这些群体是PU和氐少数民族是合成混合物，他们是在公元前六到四世纪， 因为中原政权扩张而被迫从各自的家园迁到南部的 (Yang 2002, p. 93)。无论是 越或PU氐族，传统的考古研究一直寻求已知是少数民族群体的发展状况，依 靠移民和“核心”地区的扩散来解释周边地区从史前到青铜时代的历史发展。

38、Discussion and conclusionsThe dimensions of interregional interaction are critical to understanding social developments from the Neolithic to the Bronze Age. In the Neolithic, the outlines of interregional communication networks began to take shape by the mid-second millennium BC, as evidenced by th

39、e circulation of cowrie shells and bird effigy pitchers. These routes linked southwestern China with southern China via the Nanpan (Pearl) River course and with central China via Sichuan through the lower Jinsha corridor. Neolithic communities consisted of geographically localized groups with a vari

40、ety of subsistence practices.区域间相互作用的维度，对于从新石器时代到青铜时代的理解是至关重要 的。在新石器时代，区域间通讯网络开始初具规模，直到公元前二千年中叶，在 贝壳和鸟类的肖像樽的流通中体现出来。这些路线，通过南盘江(珠江)河道， 将中国西南部和西部联系起来，通过四川的金沙江下游走廊将西南部与中原联系 起来。新石器时代社会组织由在地理上居住在一起的群体构成，他们有着多种多样的生活实践。In the middle Jinsha region, Neolithic villages were clustered along the valleys of majo

41、r tributaries. These communities cultivated rice on steep valley slopes but remained heavily dependent on hunting. These settlements were occupied over a long period of time and invested in the communal storage of rice. Patterns of social discord and differentiation emerged in the late Neolithic as

42、individuals show signs of violent injury and residences began to be distinguished by size differences. In contrast, Neolithic communities in the middle reaches of the Lancang and Nu River valleys occupied caves and terraces of the steep river valleys, showing seasonal patterns of occupation. In the

43、fertile lacustrine basins, villages contained substantial pile dwelling structures. These communities cultivated rice but appeared to be heavily dependent on local aquatic resources like fish and freshwater snails of lake marshes.在金沙地区的中部，新石器时代的村落集群在主要河流支流的河谷地带。这些部落在陡峭的山谷斜坡种植水稻，但仍然很大程度上依赖狩猎。这些定居点被占用

44、了相当长的时间，用来储存公用水稻。社会不和谐和分化的格局出现在新石 器时代晚期，由于私有制呈现出暴力伤害的迹象和住宅开始按照大小的不同而被 区分开来。与此相反，新石器时代的群落组织在澜沧江和怒江河谷中游被占领的 洞穴和陡峭的河谷梯田，呈现季节性的占领。在肥沃的河谷盆地，村落是大量的 桩柱式结构。这些群体种植水稻，但是呈现出很大程度上依赖当地水产资源，像 鱼和湖泊湿地中淡水螺类。It is within the context of these late Neolithic villages and semimobile groups that we find the expansion of

45、exchange networks and the emergence of bronze metallurgy by 1000 BC. This recent finding reiterates the importance of separating bronze metallurgy from social complexity while drawing attention to the parallels shared with Southeast Asia. As Vietnamese archaeologists have demonstrated, in northern V

46、ietnam bronze metallurgy emerged following the Neolithic period Phung Nguyen culture and gradually developed from incipient metalworking in the Dong Dau phase to theaddition and control over tin alloys in the Go Mun phase. Similarly, bronzeproduction in southwestern China appears to have begun on a

47、small scaleoriented toward the manufacture of utilitarian items with equivalentfunctional counterparts from the Neolithic period. Early bronze implementswere cast almost entirely from copper, and associated stone molds for casting axes were stylistically modeled after Neolithic shapes. Based on the

48、recovery of bivalve ax molds, bronze metallurgy appears to have been adopted along the Jinsha River course, as well as the lower Nu and RedRiver region in subtropical environments. The present evidence suggests acomplex pattern of received transmission from Southeast Asia and steppegroups in Sichuan

49、. The pattern is better conceived according to serial patterns of dissemination as opposed to centrifugal or unidirectional diffusion.在新石器时代晚期村落和半移居群体，我们发现交换网络的扩张和青铜冶炼 技术的出现在公元前1000年。这项最新发现重申从社会的复杂性来区分青铜冶 炼技术的重要性，而不是把注意力放在与东南亚相似的地方。由于越南考古学家 已经证明，越南北部青铜冶炼技术出现在新石器时代文化Phung Nguyen文化之后，并逐渐地从Dong Dau时期的金

50、属冶炼发端的初级阶段到增加和控制锡合金 的Go Mun时期。相类似的，中国西南地区的青铜生产似乎开始于小规模生产向 着新石器时代与相同功能的同行一起的功力项目的制造。早期青铜器几乎全部用铜来铸造，与铸造斧头相关的石头模型在新石器时代之后成为铸造风格。基于双斧模具的恢复，青铜冶铸技术似乎已经在金沙江沿岸被采用，以及在亚热带环境的怒江和红河下游地区，这一技术也被采用。目前的证据显示一个复杂的接受传 输模式从东南亚和四川草原群落。这个模式更利于掌握，根据传播的系列模式而不是离心式或单项扩散。Within two to three centuries following the emergence o

51、f bronze metallurgy, complex political formations developed in central and eastern Yunnan. Recent radiocarbon determinations from Qujing suggest the establishmentof these Bronze Age polities between 900 and 700 BC. By the seventh century BC, societies in central and eastern Yunnan had developed elab

52、orate social hierarchies. The territorial reach of these political formations was, however, local. Perhaps population movements from afar did reach and impact local communities, but the vestiges of this migration currently lack evidence. Instead, the archaeological record recalls existing parallels

53、found in the Neolithic periods. The spatial division of regional entities in central and eastern Yunnan recalls Neolithic period variability in ceramic traditions (incised/impressedware versus corded ware) thatdistinguish central and western Yunnan from the lacustrine basins.随着青铜冶炼出现的二到三世纪，复杂的政治形成方式

54、在云南的中部和东部 发展。从曲靖得来的最新放射性碳年代测定暗示，这些青铜时代政权的建立在公 元前900到公元前700年之间。公元前7世纪，云南中部和东部的社会已经发展 到比较复杂的社会形势了。然而，这些政治形势的疆域是局部的。也许从远方来的人口迁移影响了当地的社会组织结构，不过目前这个转移的遗迹缺乏证据。相反，考古记录唤起新石器时代的相似相发现。在云南中部和东部的地域空间划分唤起新石器时代陶瓷传统的可变性，从河流湖泊来划分云南的中部和东部。Contrary to a Dian-centric or gravity model of political formation, the emerge

55、nce of complexity in southwestern China developed from a network of interacting peer polities in which northern Vietnam played an important role. The correspondence between bronze weapons and ritual vessels along the two axes of the Southwest Silk Road underscores the articulationof these networks a

56、nd the participatory dynamics in the making of this cross-cultural hub. As regional Bronze Age societies increasingly engaged in exchange networks, the demarcationof social boundaries intensifiedwhile elite culture developed standardized symbols of legitimacy and authority (Baines and Yoffee 2000).

57、As these groups became inextricably linked, they increasingly sought to secure a stake in the emerging system.In this light, the genesis of sociopolitical complexity in the southwestern periphery can only be viewed as multicentric in scope: the Shizhaishan and Co Loa phenomena represent but the apog

58、ee of social processes that had long been set in motion.和一般的滇中央或引力模型的政治形成相反，中国西南部复杂性的出现从一 个相互作用的同行政权发展起来，在这个过程中越南北部发挥了重要的作用。青铜兵器和仪式容器。Recent investigations in Yunnan and Guizhou have provided new archaeological data that are changing our understandings ofthe BronzeAge in southwesternChina. The curre

59、nt archaeologicalrecord directlychallenges textually based interpretations of regional social development and foregrounds the shortcomings of the regionalist paradigm that has characterized Chinese archaeology. In venturing into new and uncharted grounds, archaeology of frontier regions is in a uniq

60、ue position to examine recent discoveries using alternative conceptual frameworks. The comparative scope afforded by adopting this approach also enables a more discursive and meaningful engagement with the historiographictradition. Viewing the distribution of static assemblages of southwesternChina