刘晓强翻译作业每周一译.docx

每周一译第一篇If death is the final taboo, it might not be for much longer. There has, in recent years, been increasing effort to promote conversations about death and dying, both in the home and in more public settings. For example, death cafes, first launched in Switzerland in 2004, have spread around the world, enabling people to speak about their fears over cake and coffee. Our reluctance to talk about death is often taken as evidence that we are afraid, and therefore suppress thoughts about it. However, there is little direct evidence to support that we are. So what is a “normal” amount of death anxiety? And how does it manifest itself? Thinking about death increases our nationalistic bias and makes us more prejudiced against other racial, religious and age groups. Judging by studies using questionnaires, we seem more bothered by the prospect of losing our loved ones than we do about dying ourselves. Such studies also show that we worry more about the dying process the pain and loneliness involved, for example than about the end of life itself. In general, when we are asked if we are afraid to die, most of us deny it, and report only mild levels of anxiety. 译文一、 如果死亡是谈话中的忌讳，现在有了些不同。这些年来，无论是在家庭还是在公共场合中，人们对死亡的话题谈的更多了。例如，在2004年瑞士最先出现的死亡咖啡厅就很受欢迎，人们可以一边吃着蛋糕，一边谈着死亡的惧怕。不愿谈及死亡，常常让别人以为我们害怕死亡。那么，死亡焦虑到哪种程度才算是正常的呢？死亡的焦虑又有哪些呢？如果经常思考死亡会加深民族偏见，并使我们更加歧视其他的民族，种族和宗教。根据调查问卷，我们担心亲密的人离去比担心自己死亡更严重一些，类似的研究也表明，我们根据担忧死亡的过程，例如死亡所带来的寂寞跟担忧，而不是死亡本身。当被问及是否担忧死亡的时候，很多人都会回答否，说自己只是有一点点担忧死亡。译文二、 如果说死亡是谈话中最大的禁忌，现在的情况似乎出现了一些的改变，近年来，不论是在家庭还是在公开的公共场所中，人们越来越提倡谈论死亡已经与死亡有关的话题。比如说，在2004年瑞士成立了全球的首家死亡咖啡厅。人们在这里可以一边吃着蛋糕，一边谈论着对死亡的恐惧。不愿谈及死亡，这种表现经常被当做是我们惧怕死亡，但是很少有根据表明我们真的惧怕死亡，那么，死亡焦虑究竟达到什么程度是正常的呢？死亡焦虑又有怎样的表现呢？对死亡的深入思考，会加深民族、种族的歧视，以及宗教和年龄层之间的对立。通过研究调查问卷我们得知，比起我们自己的死去，我们更加担心身边挚爱的人离去，类似的研究同时也表明，我们其实更加畏惧死亡的过程，比如说死亡带来的忧虑和恐惧，而不是死亡本身。一般来说，当被问及是否担心死亡时，大多数人会否认，说自己只是对死亡有一点焦虑。Note、 在第二次翻译的时候对于译文词语的选择方面有了更好的选择，对于句意和表达有了更透彻的理解，更加的侧重了意译。更多的侧重了选择归化的方法来翻译文章，但是还有不足，词汇量的掌握还不够，还需要加强。第二篇Though headway has been made in bringing womens wages more in line with mens in the past several decades, that convergence seems to have stalled in more recent years. To help determine why, Francine D. Blau and Lawrence M. Kahn, the authors of a new study from the National Bureau of Economic Research parse data on wages and occupations from 1980 to 2010. They find that as more women attended and graduated college and headed into the working world, education and professional experience levels stopped playing a significant role in the the difference between men and womens wages. Whatever remains of the discrepancy cant be explained by women not having basic skills and credentials. So what does explain it? The largest factor in the persistent wage gap is the dearth of women in specific jobs and industries, the researchers found. That means that narrowing the wage gap further requires making high-paying, male-dominated industries like STEM fields and tech companies more enticing and welcoming to women. And even before that, encouraging women and girls to take advantage of opportunities to explore and learn about fields like coding and science that remain male-dominated at both the professional and college level.译文一、 尽管在过去的几十年里，男人跟女人的收入距离有些变小，但是最近一些年，收入的差距变小似乎没有了变化。为了找到这个其中的原因，美国国家经济研究局的弗朗辛和劳伦斯做了一项研究。研究通过对1980年到2010年间收入与职业的数据进行分析对比，发现随着女性的受教育水平的提高，受教育水平影响的工资水平的差异已经不存在了。现在的工资差异 不能单纯的用技术差和资历不够来解释，那么究竟要如何解释这一现象呢？研究人员发现，在一些特定的行业和岗位中缺少女性是近些年工资出现差异的最大原因，这就意味着，想要进一步缩小工资差异，需要在男性占据主要的领域对女性放开门槛。甚至在这之前就要鼓励各年龄阶段的女性去探索和学习那些在专业水平和学术水平仍由男性主导的领域，例如编程和科学。译文二、尽管在过去几十年，男女收入差距有所缩小，但是在最近的一些年，差距缩短似乎止步不前。为了寻找这其中的原因，美国国家经济研究局的弗朗辛和劳伦斯开展了一项新研究。研究通过对1980年到2010年间收入与职业的数据进行分析，发现随着更多的女性接受高等教育、大学毕业后踏入职场，教育水平和专业经验已经不再是两性工资差异的主要原因。现在的工资差异不能用女性基本技术差和资历不够来解释。那么问题在哪呢？研究人员发现，某些特定行业和和岗位缺少女性是近些年两性工资出现差异的最大原因。这意味着，想要进一步缩小工资差异，需要在男性主导的行业领域如科学、技术、工程和数学等部门对女性放开。甚至在这之前就应该鼓励各年龄阶段女性去探索和学习那些在专业水平和学术水平仍由男性主导的领域，如编程和科学。Note 在翻译的过程中要注意一些复杂句式的处理，注意词汇的掌握以及一词多意，还有前后的文意的连贯，要注意意译以及归化的处理。第三篇Europe is worth saving. But can Europe save itself? This is the existential quandary that confronts the 28 member governments of the European Union as they struggle with three linked crises that threaten to unravel the work of 70 years. One of these problems the future of the euro and the eurozone is in abeyance, for now, after last years Greek bailout. But fundamental weakness, arising from largely unaddressed high levels of indebtedness, could upset the apple cart again. There can be no doubt that the integrity of the eurozone, a totemic EU achievement, may be one of the first casualties if the current volatility in world markets triggers a lasting global economic downturn. The second crisis facing the EU is more pressing, but has yet to come to a head: the question of institutional reform and the related issue of Britains forthcoming in-out referendum. As we have argued here before, disenchantment with Brussels is by no means confined to Tory home county heartlands. The 2014 European parliamentary elections revealed massive, continent-wide dissatisfaction with politics as usual. But even so, nothing much changed. Partly as a result, last year saw the accelerating rise of protest parties of left and right across Europe and, in several instances, the simultaneous fragmentation of two-party consensus politics.译文一、欧洲值得去挽救，但是它本身能够自救吗？欧盟28个成员国正经历着三场相互关联的危机。这可能导致70年的欧洲统一工作付诸东流，从而让他们面对“生存还是毁灭”的难题。其中之一就是欧元与欧元区未来要面对的问题从去年开始的针对希腊的财政援助措施一直到现在，这个问题仍然没有得到解决。但是大量亟待解决的高额债务造就的这一基本弱点，足够能使欧洲的统一计划再次毁灭。毫无疑问，如果目前世界市场的波动变化导致全球经济持续衰退的话，欧元区具有旗帜般成就的统一性也许就会第一个成为危机的陪葬品。欧盟面对的第二个危机则更加的紧迫，但是还没到那种非解决不可的地步：即欧盟的体制改革的问题和英国即将举行的关于是否退出欧盟的全民公投议题。就像之前我们所讲的那样，认清布鲁塞尔实质的绝不局限于英国保守党腹地的那几个郡。2014年欧洲的议会的选举像往常一样，表现出了欧洲大陆民众对政治的强烈不满。但是即便是这样，也