PSIArmsTradeBrief

1、Regulating the Global Arms TradeExecutive Summary By living up to American ideals and extending these principles to international standards, we can stop the spread of destabilizing weapons to weak countries. The arms trade is a multi-billion dollar global business. While it may at times provide for

2、legitimate defense needs, it also increases violence and conflict, particularly in weak and failed states. The abundance of these weapons fuels or re-ignites conflicts, provides tools for terrorists and other criminal violence, and disrupts peace building and development. The Geneva-based Small Arms

3、 Survey estimates that the global scourge of small arms alone claims an estimated 500,000 lives a year. The U.S. needs far-sighted policies and we should practice what we preach. The U.S. remains the worlds largest exporter, sending nearly $13.6 billion in weapons and completing almost 57 percent of

4、 all global arms transfer agreements in 2003. As the U.S. prosecutes its “global war on terror,” U.S. weapons are used to influence countries to support U.S. policies, as well as to arm foreign governments that are assisting efforts to defend against and capture terrorists. Unfortunately, history in

5、dicates that when the U.S. sends arms to unstable countries or groups such as the Mujahideen in Afghanistan, those weapons can later be used against the U.S. by terrorists and others. We must end the policy of allowing weapons sales to countries that violate human rights, lack democracy or harbor vi

6、olent organizations. If instead of weapons, we export economic and social benefits to these countries we help build stronger societies that become partners in opposing terror and promoting peace.International cooperation to reduce the spread of weapons has worked for decades. The rise of global terr

7、orism provides the U.S. and other nations of the world with added incentive to create new controls on the multi-billion dollar global arms trade. When countries partner to keep dangerous weapons out of the wrong hands they act responsibly and in their own long term best interests. The international

8、nature of the problem requires coordinated action at the national, regional, and global levels. Nations working with international institutions and multinational corporations must address both legal and illicit sales. Through creative collaborations in recent years the U.S. has destroyed 800,000 wea

9、pons and 75 million rounds of ammunition in 18 countries. But the U.S. needs to invest not only in removing weapons once they have spread to unstable regions of the world, but we must also prevent these weapons from getting into the wrong hands in the first place. When the U.S. sends massive amounts

10、 of weapons to countries it has identified as potential problems, it both undermines its own values and reduces its capacity for global leadership. It also encourages other countries to expand sales of arms, and such arms have ended up in the hands of unfriendly nations as well as terrorists.By real

11、locating our resources to different priorities, the U.S. can comprehensively address the conditions that breed violence and widespread criminality (e.g., economic inequality, the chronic lack of good governance and human rights, and the increasing divide between cultures and civilizations). U.S. mil

12、itary aid in the form of arms transfers will only aggravate the systemic violence that is at the root of global instability and insecurity. The wealthiest nation in the world should stop dedicating hundreds of billions of dollars to weapons instead of committing that money to economic development to

13、 relieve global poverty, supporting human rights and democracy promotion, or bridging the cultural divide. The U.S. best serves its long term interests by carefully controlling the arms trade, making sure that U.S. weapons do not contribute to violence in other nations.The ChallengeThe end of the Co

14、ld War did not result in an end to the problems associated with the global arms trade. Indeed, post-Cold War changes have led to several new types of threats to global security, especially in the developing world. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of its proxy wars with the U.S. unleashed

15、 a torrent of deadly weapons into international arms markets. The arms trade is a multi-billion dollar business, and weapons transfers, while at times providing for legitimate defense needs, may also fuel violence and conflict. The U.S. remains the worlds largest exporter, sending nearly $13.6 billi

16、on in weapons and completing almost 57 percent of all global arms transfer agreements in 2003. As the U.S. prosecutes its “global war on terror”, U.S. weapons are used to influence countries to support U.S. policies and to arm foreign governments that are assisting efforts to defend against and capt

17、ure terrorists. In many cases, weapons have been provided to countries that the U.S. has criticized for human rights violations, lack of democracy, and prior support of terrorism. These weapons circulate between war zones and third world population centers, fueling civil wars, terrorism and crime. T

18、he Geneva-based Small Arms Survey estimates that the global scourge of small arms alone claims an estimated 500,000 lives a year. Small arms and light weapons, which range from pistols to shoulder-fired surface-to-air missiles, appeal to terrorists, insurgents and criminals because they are: Cheap:

19、Black market assault rifles cost as little as $10 and even sophisticated shoulder-fired missiles which can bring down an airliner can be purchased on the black market for as little as a few hundred dollars; Portable small arms can be mounted on a vehicle, carried by one or two people, or transported

20、 on a pack animal; Durable many small arm last for years, even decades; and, Widely available - an estimated 639 million small arms are in circulation, and are responsible for up to 80 percent of casualties in some conflicts. The past decade has been a period of intense internal conflict. Although a

21、 handful of wars have dominated the press (e.g., Iraq, Afghanistan, Sudan, the Congo, and Cote dIvoire), there are dozens of other conflicts that have been fought at the same time. The combatants of these conflicts rely on obtaining arms through the international black market. These wars, pitting st

22、ate security forces against guerrillas seeking greater political autonomy, control of disputed territory, or control of the state itself, are believed to have killed more than one million people in the 1990s. More than 90 percent of war casualties today are believed to be civilians. Further complica

23、ting an already difficult problem is the diversification of suppliers. The value of conventional arms transfer agreements in 2003 was over $26.5 billion. The largest suppliers of conventional arms are the U.S., Russia, France, the United Kingdom, China, Germany, and Italy. But there are manufacturer

24、s in more than 90 countries that now compete just for a share of the $4 billion global small arms market. An additional $1 billion is generated by black market small arms sales, which lines the pockets of arms dealers with ties to the most notorious terrorist and criminal organizations. Small arms e

25、nter the legal market domestically through sales to individuals, and internationally through both commercial sales and government-to-government transfers. The illicit trade in small arms is intrinsically linked to the legal trade, as most weapons enter the black market via some form of diversion fro

26、m the legal market. Small arms enter the black market through a variety of routes, including: Intentional violation of regional or international sanctions and embargoes; Poor stockpile security, including the looting of national arsenals, theft and loss from government and military stocks theft from

27、 civilian owners, and sale for cash by soldiers; Individuals buying weapons legally and reselling them illegally; and Craft production. The abundance of these weapons fuels or re-ignites conflicts, provides tools for criminal violence, and disrupts peace building and development. The international n

28、ature of the problem requires coordinated action at the national, regional, and global levels, and must address both legal and illicit sales. Reining in the illicit trade requires better marking and tracing practices, brokering laws, border security, improved export controls, surplus stockpile destr

29、uction, and end-use monitoring. Preventing “legal” but unconscionable arms sales to unstable regions and abusive governments is best achieved by universalizing through regional and international agreements - strong arms sales eligibility criteria. Finally, the conditions that breed insurgencies or e

30、xacerbate civil war and widespread criminality must be addressed, including economic inequality, the chronic lack of good governance and human rights, and the increasing divide between cultures and civilizations. U.S. military aid in the form of arms transfers will do nothing to address the systemic

31、 violence that is at the root of global instability and insecurity. Rather, it will only aggravate these problems. It is wrong for the wealthiest nation in the world to dedicate hundreds of billions of dollars to weapons instead of committing that money to economic development to relieve global pove

32、rty, supporting human rights and democracy promotion, or bridging the cultural divide. In addition, there is an increased likelihood of dormant conflicts re-igniting if there are large stocks of arms readily available. Strong, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programs can minimize the r

33、esumption of conflict and a post-conflict spike in criminality. The OpportunityThe rise of global terrorism provides the U.S. and other nations of the world with added incentive to create new controls on the multi-billion dollar global arms trade. Literally millions of dangerous small arms or hand h

34、eld missiles end up in those weak and failed states that are now recognized as the breeding grounds for terrorism. Uncontrolled access to large quantities of weapons leads to violent conflict, state repression, and the conditions that pull make weak even more unstable. It is in the U.S. and other le

35、ading nations interest to control and reduce the spread of these weapons, putting new emphasis on funding social and economic aid that can help weak states develop into stable democracies.As the leading global exporter of small arms, the U.S. has a critical role to play in addressing the situation.

36、U.S. agreements allowing weapons to be sent to countries that are either unstable or have dubious human rights records ultimately undermine the “global war on terror.” The spread of weapons destabilizes weak countries and is counter to Americas values. The U.S. best serves its long term interests by

37、 carefully controlling the arms trade, making sure that U.S. weapons do not contribute to violence in other nations.By working with other countries and international institutions to create new policies and international export regulations, the U.S. can reverse long-term trends that have allowed hund

38、reds of thousands of weapons to flow into unstable countries. Global teamwork to control and limit the arms trade works. The U.S. has a track record of successfully working with other countries to remove and destroy weapons stockpiles. Working together, nations can more responsibly monitor the flow

39、of arms and accelerate joint efforts to remove dangerous weapons from unstable hands. Current U.S. PolicyThe U.S. record on the arms trade is decidedly mixed. The U.S. has perhaps the best export controls, end-use monitoring, and brokering laws in the world. Moreover, the U.S. has the ability to hel

40、p other countries and regions to improve their own export controls, and often does so. Yet, American reticence towards international instruments weakens, slows or halts key international initiatives. This reticence is explained in part by U.S. readiness to transfer arms to countries with dubious hum

41、an rights and nonproliferation records when policymakers believe that such transfers would further other key foreign policy goals, like the “Global War on Terror.” Efforts to reduce surplus stockpiles are also short-changed. The U.S. has programs, run through the State Departments Office of Weapons

42、Removal and Abatement and the Defense Threat Reduction Agency, to assist countries that request help in small arms stockpile destruction, security and management. These programs have sealed several leaky foreign arsenals and destroyed 800,000 weapons and 75 million rounds of ammunition in 18 countri

43、es. Yet, these programs are chronically under-staffed and subsist on shoestring budgets; e.g., the State Departments small arms destruction program has three staff members and a program budget of only $3 million.Suggested Actions The U.S. Government should: Refrain from trading arms with governments

44、 who have reprehensible human rights records or have been known to act aggressively toward its neighbors, even in the name of fighting terrorism; Work with other nations and international institutions to adequately monitor and enforce regional and international arms embargoes, appropriately punishin

45、g violators. Creating a separate U.N. arms embargo-monitoring unit would facilitate such efforts; Lead the effort to develop a common international system for the marking and tracing of weapons. An international treaty on marking and tracing would help to ensure that every country adopts and adheres

46、 to the same standards and procedures; and Increase the funding for State Department destruction programs so that stockpiles of obsolete and surplus weapons in government arsenals can also be destroyed.The international community should: Develop common international standards on the practices of arm

47、s brokers to ensure that middlemen cannot move weapons from conflict to conflict with impunity. An international treaty that codifies best practices in regards to regulating arms brokers would close loopholes in national regulations that are exploited by unscrupulous brokers. Establish common international export criteria, such as in the form of the international arms trade treaty currently proposed by a group of Nobel laureates. This would prevent arms from getting into the hands of terrorists or ot