绿道网的地域系统——如果你可以在路易斯做到你能在任何地方做到外文翻译

1、绿道网的地域系统如果你可以在路易斯做到，你能在任何地方做到外文翻译 毕业论文外文翻译外文题目:Regional System of Greenways-If You Can Make It in St. Louis, You Can Make It Anywhere出 处: WILEY INTERSCIENCE作 者:W. SCOTT KRUMMENACHER, TODD SWANSTROM AND MARK TRANEL原 文:Regional System of Greenways-If You Can Make It in St. Louis, You Can Make It Anywh

2、ereABSTRACT Since the 1990s, regions around the country have turned to greenways as the latest trend in park development. Usually developed along streams or abandoned rail lines as linear parks, greenways respond to the rising demand for active outdoor recreation such as jogging and cross-country sk

3、iing. From the proposed Catawba Regional Trail in the Charlotte-Mecklenburg area to Denvers Cherry Creek Greenway to San Antonios celebrated Riverwalk, connected greenways are increasingly seen as the amenity no twenty-first century metropolitan area can do without. In MetroGreen, a study of greenwa

4、ys in ten U.S. and Canadian cities, planner Donna Erickson concludes that greenways generate economic, environmental, and social vitality by increasing the connections among people and places. Supporters stress that greenways increase land values and development opportunities. Since the time of Fred

5、erick Law Olmsted, the “proximate principle” has been well known: properties located in proximity to parks enjoy higher market values. And the resulting increased property tax revenues can help pay for park development and maintenance. According to the “edge effect,” greenways have a distinct advant

6、age over traditional parks. As linear parks, greenways generate longer edges, or borders, than conventional parks. John Crompton observed that a one-hundred-acre park composed of a string of one hundred connected square acres generates 5.65 times more edge than a circular one-hundred-acre park. The

7、edge effect has long guided the layout of golf courses that are incorporated into real estate developments. About half of all new golf courses are part of a real estate development. The preferred layout is the “single fairway, returning nines” configuration in which no fairway borders another fairwa

8、y and each nine loops out and returns to the clubhouse. This imizes the number of homes directly abutting the golf course. The rise of regional greenways is also a response to changing recreational patterns. More people are adopting active lifestyles involving hiking, jogging, bicycling, inline skat

9、ing, and cross-country skiing. The preferences of homebuyers have shifted from swimming pools and tennis courts to nature trails. According to Crompton, proximity to natural areas has more of a positive effect on land values than proximity to parks with large athletic facilities and gathering places

10、 Greenways are even touted as drivers of regional economic development. Increasingly, footloose corporations and high-tech workers seek out high-quality-of-life places. The presence of certain amenities may be more important than the factor costs of production or access to markets. In The Rise of th

11、e Creative Class, Richard Florida argues that creative workers in high-tech occupations drive economic development. Working intensely for long hours, creative-class workers crave ready access to recreation to recharge their batteries. “They require parks or trails close at hand,” writes Florida. Gre

12、enways also benefit the environment. By pre-serving nature along streams, they improve water quality. Riparian vegetation filters out pollutants, both in the air and in the water. Greenways can dampen noise from a highway. By reducing runoff, greenways can reduce flooding and cut costs for storm wat

13、er management. By enabling some residents to walk or bicycle to work, greenways can reduce automobile use. Finally, by enabling people from different communities to mingle in low-stress environments, greenways can increase social capital especially what Robert Putnam in Bowling Alone calls “bridging

14、” social capital. Obstacles to Greenway Development The substantial economic, social, and environmental benefits of regional greenways would seem to make them an easy sell. Greenways, however, are often controversial. Precisely because they link different communities, residents along the proposed gr

15、eenway often anticipate an invasion of their community by outsiders. Homeowners fear a violation of their privacy, with strangers peering into their living rooms. Opponents raise the specter of increased noise, litter, trespassing, and vandalism. They even fear increased crime, though studies yield

16、no evidence for this. Opponents of greenways have access to many veto points because of fragmented private land ownership and public land use controls. If one private landowner refuses to sell or allow easements to a key piece of land, the entire greenway system can be compromised. And with eminent

17、domain so controversial, few governments are prepared to forcibly seize private property to build a greenway. Perhaps the greatest obstacle to greenway development is the fragmentation of land use powers among local governments. The average metropolitan area in the United States has about one hundre

18、d general purpose governments. Without permission from the local municipality, greenway development is impossible. Moreover, successful greenways usually require local governments to be responsible for maintenance. Negotiating maintenance agreements among scores of local governments is a daunting ta

19、sk, to say the least. Great Rivers Greenway: The St. Louis Way The St. Louis metropolitan area is one of the most challenging environments for building a regional system of connected greenways. The quintessential “inelastic” city, to use a term coined by David Rusk in Cities Without Suburbs p. 10, S

20、t. Louis City has not annexed any land since it withdrew from St. Louis County in 1876. In the second half of the twentieth century 1950?2000, the population of St. Louis fell by more than half a million, from about 856,796 to 348,189. With no natural barriers to expansion, such as mountains or larg

21、e bodies of water, St. Louis has become one of the most sprawled out metropolitan areas in the nation. From 1982 to 1997, the regions population grew by only 6 percent; yet urbanized land grew 25 percent, ranking St. Louis as having one of the least efficient patterns of land development in the nati

22、on. St. Charles County, located west of St. Louis City and County on the other side of the Missouri River, has been one of the fastest-growing counties in the nation. Because the St. Louis region has thinned out so much, building a truly regional system of greenways requires spanning huge distances.

23、 St. Louis also has one of the most fragmented systems of local government in the nation, generally ranked right behind Pittsburgh in total number of governments per one hundred thousand people. According to the 2002 Census of Governments, the St. Louis metropolitan area has 303 general-purpose loca

24、l governments. St. Louisans are deeply attached to their local governments. According to Terry Jones, the region is “fragmented by design.” Homebuilders work closely with suburban municipalities whose zoning codes often mandate single-family homes on large lots. Both public and private actors are de

25、eply suspicious of any regional planners who might take powers away from local governments. The impetus for a regional system of greenways in St. Louis grew out of a Dan forth Foundation civic initiative, St. Louis 2004, commemorating the hundredth anniversary of the St. Louis Worlds Fair. One of th

26、e hundreds of ideas generated by the more than ten thousand citizens who participated in the process was an initiative to build a regional system of connected greenways. This would require enabling legislation in Illinois and Missouri. A short-term non profit organization, Greenway Parks and Trails

27、2004, was established to lead the process. Over a two-year period, Robert J. Hall, the executive director, negotiated with a multitude of municipal and county park and recreation professionals and elected officials to create a revenue sharing plan that would lend some support to existing parks as we

28、ll as the funding for the regional parks district. In November 2000, Proposition C was put on the ballot, creating a one-tenth of a cent sales tax in St. Louis City, St. Louis County, and St. Charles County, as well as two counties on the Illinois side of the Mississippi River. The voters approved t

29、he tax, establishing what is now known as the Great Rivers Greenway GRG District in Missouri and the Metro East Parks and Recreation District in Illinois. The tax generates close to $22 million a year in Missouri, half of which is distributed to area governments and half of which is spent directly b

30、y GRG on greenways. With its fragmented local governments, suspicion of regional planning, and powerful suburban home- builders, St. Louis is one of the most inhospitable environments imaginable for building a regional system of greenways. To echo a refrain often said about New York City, “If you ca

31、n make it in St. Louis, you can make it anywhere.” Surprisingly, GRG has been able to make substantial progress on a comprehensive plan for regional greenways in a relatively short period of time?not, however, before hitting a political buzz saw that temporarily stopped GRG in its tracks. The Challe

32、nge of Equity in Regional Governance GRG is in a situation in which it must collaborate with public, private, and nonprofit actors. As scholars put it, GRG must substitute processes of regional governance in the absence of a strong regional government. The amount of money GRG has available, about $1

33、1 million a year, is ridiculously small relative to the demands of building a regional greenway network. Knowing this, GRG spends almost all of its money on acquiring land, easements, and building the trail. GRG uses SEED social, environmental, economic development projects to help generate activity

34、 along greenway sites and reinvigorate greenway initiatives. Before any section of the River Ring is completed, a legal maintenance agreement must be signed, usually with the local government. If GRG put money into maintenance, it would soon have no funds left to build greenways. These agreements al

35、so prevent local governments from becoming dependent on the district for support. The district works to acquire state and federal grants and matching funds for projects. Seventy-seven miles of bicycle lanes planned for St. Louis City and County were the result of GRGs leadership in acquiring a feder

36、al funding source for the project. Additionally, the district assists local municipalities in their efforts to develop environmentally friendly projects, such as the Portage de Sioux Nature Area, which feed into the River Ring system. The St. Vincent Greenway, for example, runs through some of the m

37、ost impoverished areas in the St. Louis region. More than 39 percent of the residents of Wellston and 30 percent of the residents of Pagedale live below the federal poverty level. The poverty rate for St. Louis County as a whole is 6.9 percent. These municipalities lack a professional parks departme

38、nt and are in a perpetual state of fiscal stress. Local governments operating at the margins have little room to add a long-term cost such as maintenance of a greenway. In some cases, civic organizations have stepped in to fill the need for maintenance. Trail net, a local citizens group, has adopted

39、 the maintenance costs for a portion of the St. Vincent Greenway. Even so, local governments cannot lean too heavily on the civic sector. Civic groups are strong advocates of greenways, but capital improvements and maintenance soon drain their budget. The twelve-mile Riverfront Trail, for example, f

40、ell into disrepair when Trailnet struggled to deliver the funding to maintain it. Inequality thus presents a formidable obstacle for regional governance approaches to major amenities, such as that pioneered by GRG. Financially strapped local governments find it difficult to commit to the long-term c

41、osts of greenway maintenance. Civic groups struggle to fill the gaps. Without additional resources and imaginative efforts to address this problem, the development of greenways will favor upper-middle-class, usually white suburbs possessing adequate resources to maintain these valuable new amenities

42、. Building Regional Greenways: Promises and Pitfalls The St. Louis example shows that progress can be made on regional greenways even without a strong regional government possessing land use planning powers and eminent domain. Lean and mean special districts headed by entrepreneurial leaders can ove

43、rcome fragmentation and build collaboration. Three lessons stand out from the GRG experience. First, understanding the local policy environment is essential. The watershed-planning proposal was defeated largely because of longstanding attachments to local control and mistrust of government regulatio

44、n. Words such as watershed planning activated these concerns. As GRG learned from this experience, you cannot assume that the public understands greenways; you have to aggressively market greenways and the regional vision behind them. Second, building relationships is critical. Fisher worked to buil

45、d trusting relationships with powerful homebuilders and local mayors. Extensive processes of citizen engagement helped to forestall grassroots opposition. Finally, public leadership and resources matter. Green space is expensive to preserve and develop. It is often the first item cut from local budg

46、ets. Having dedicated funding has been paramount to GRGs success. The public sector is not just another stake- holder in processes of regional governance. GRG was the only actor that had a stake in a regional vision of a connected system of greenways, and it was able to use its resources strategical

47、ly to gain access to key political actors in the region and overcome initial opposition to greenways.译 文:绿道网的地域系统?如果你可以在路易斯做到,你能在任何地方做到摘要 20世纪90年代以来,全国各地的区域已转向绿色通道作为园区发展的最新趋势。绿道积极响应如慢跑,越野滑雪,户外休闲日益增长的需求,通常沿河流或废弃的铁路线发展为线性公园。从夏洛特梅特伦堡区的卡托巴区域性步道的提出,到丹佛梅克伦堡地区的樱桃河绿道网,再到圣安东尼奥的庆功河道,绿道连接日益被视为作为二十一世纪大都会区所必须有的市

48、容。 在麦得格林,在美国和加拿大的十个城市绿道研究,规划师唐娜埃里克森认为,绿道会增加人与地方的联系从而产生经济、环境和社会活力。支持者强调,绿色通道增加了土地价值和发展机会。自从冯检基?劳尔?奥姆斯特德以来,“近因原则”已经众所周知:物质位于接近公园处享有较高的市场价值,以及由此产生的收入可以增加物业税帮助支付园区开发和维护。 根据“边缘效应”,绿道网拥有一个比传统公园更为明显的优势。那就是,作为线性公园,绿道产生比传统公园更长的边缘或边界。约翰克朗普顿指出,由一百个平方英亩连接成的一百英亩大小的公园,比一百英亩大小的圆形公园产生5.65倍的公园边缘。早已成为高尔夫球场布局指导的边缘效应也将

49、要纳入到房地产开发之中。(关于所有新球场一半是房地产发展的一部分。)首选的布局是“单航道,返回九”,配置为没有边界的另一航道,航道各九圈出来,并均可返回该会所。这直接毗邻高尔夫球场的住房数量最大化。 区域绿道的增加也是休闲方式改变的一种响应。越来越多的人通过参与徒步旅行,慢跑,骑自行车,滑冰,和越野滑雪等积极的生活方式。购房者的偏好已经从游泳池和网球场转向自然小径。据克朗普顿所说,接近自然地区的土地价值比接近与大型体育设施和公园聚集场所有更积极的作用。 绿道网甚至成为区域经济发展的驱动力。越来越多的自由自在的企业和高科技工作者寻求高品质的生活场所。对某些设施的存在可能会比生产或进入市场的成本更

50、为重要。在创意阶层的兴起得时期,理查德佛罗里达认为,在高科技行业的创意工作者带动经济发展。长时间紧张工作,创造性工人渴望随时进入休闲以恢复体能。“他们需要在附近的公园或小径”在佛罗里达州写道。 绿道网也有利于环境。他们通过保护溪边的自然来改善水质。河岸植被能过滤掉在空气中或在水中的污染物。绿道可以降低高速公路的噪音。通过减少径流,绿道可以减少洪水和降低暴雨治理成本。通过促进一些居民步行或骑自行车上班,绿道可以减少汽车的使用。最后,让不同社区的人们在低压力环境中生活,绿道可以增加社会资本,尤其是罗伯特?普特南在保龄球单独所说的“桥梁”的社会资本。 绿道网发展的障碍 区域绿道所带来的大量的经济、社

51、会和环境效益似乎使临近楼盘更容易出售。但是,绿道网也经常引起争议。正因为它们连接不同社区,绿色通道沿线的居民往往预测他们将受到外界社会的干扰。业主担心自己的隐私受到侵犯,自己的起居室被陌生人窥视。反对者提出了噪声、垃圾、非法侵入和破坏等厄运的增加,他们甚至担心犯罪的增加,虽然没有研究这方面的证据。 绿道反对者已经获得许多否决点,因为零散的私人土地所有权和公共土地用途受到管制。如果一个私人土地所有者拒绝出售或允许地役权的土地,就关键来讲,整个绿道系统将受到损害。与其征用而产生如此多的争议,一些国家的政府准备强行扣押私人财产,建立一个绿色通道。 也许,绿道发展最大的障碍,是地方政府之间的土地使用权

52、分散的问题。在美国,一个都市圈平均约有一百个区域性政府。未经当地市政当局许可,绿道的发展是不可能的。此外,成功的绿色通道,通常需要当地政府负责维修。至少可以这样说,地方政府之间通过谈判维护各自利益从而达成协议是一项艰巨的任务。 大河绿道网:圣路易斯路 圣路易斯都市圈区是建立一个区域系统相互连接的绿道网最具挑战性的环境之一。最典型的“弹性”的城市,圣路易斯市,并没有附任何土地,因为它在1876年从圣路易斯县退出。在二十世纪(1950-2000年)下半年,圣路易斯减少了超过50万的人口,从约856796人到348189。由于没有天然屏障如高山或大型水体阻碍扩张,圣路易斯已成为全国最广阔的大都市之一

53、。从1982年到1997年,该地区的人口只增长了6个百分点,但城市化土地增长了25%,圣路易斯成为全国土地利用率最低的发展区域。圣查尔斯县,位于圣路易斯市和县西的密苏里河的另一边,一直是全国发展最快的县之一。正是由于圣路易斯地区已经变稀薄了这么多,建立一个真正的区域绿道系统需要跨越巨大的距离。 圣路易斯也是国家中地方政府体系最分散的系统之一,一般正好排名在匹兹堡之后,每十万人拥有一个政府。根据政府2002年人口普查,圣路易斯都市圈地区拥有303通用地方政府。圣路易山斯深受当地政府重视。据特里琼斯介绍,该地区是“分散的设计”,住宅建筑商的区划代码工作任务往往和很多大型的单户住宅郊区城市密切合作。公共和私营部门都深感任何区域规划者都可能从当地政府拿走权力。 绿色通道区域系统的推动来源于一个名为“丹圣”的民间基金组织,它是2004年圣路易斯市为纪念圣路易斯世界博览会的一百周年而创立的。它是由超过十万市民参与产生的百余个想法中的一个倡议,即建立