德黑兰的城市规划-城市规划专业毕业外文翻译-(原文及译文)(共14页)

1、德黑兰的城市规划与发展Urban planning and development inTehranAli MadanipourDepartment of Architecture, Planning and Landscape, Newcastle University, Newcastle, United KingdomAvailable online 25 September 2006With a population of around 7 million in a metropolitan region of 12 million inhabitants, Tehran is one

2、 of the larger cities of the world. This paper charts its planning and development through the ages, particularly since the mid-20th century, a period in which the city has gained most of its phenomenal growth. Three phases are identified in this historical process, with different types of urban pla

3、nning exercised through infrastructure design and development, land use regulation, and policy development._ 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Planning, Urban growth, Iranian citiesPlanning through infrastructure design and development: foundations for growthThe first phase of Tehran

4、s planning refers to the period before the Second World War, whereby atleast three major efforts set the framework for the citys growth and development: walling the city(1550s) , expanding the walled city (1870s) and building a new urban infrastructure (1930s). They were all led by the governments a

5、bility and desire to instigate change and shape the city through undertaking large-scale infrastructure projects. Tehran was a village outside the ancient city of Ray, which lay at the foot of mount Damavand, the highest peak in the country, and at the intersection of two major trade highways: the e

6、astwest Silk Road along the southern edge of Alburz mountains and the northsouth route that connected the Caspian Sea to the Persian Gulf. Ray had been inhabited for thousands of years and was the capital of the Seljuk dynasty in the 11th century; however, it declined at the end of the medieval peri

7、od, when Tehran started to grow (Lockhart, 1960). The first large-scale town planning exercise in Tehran was undertaken in 1553, with the construction of a bazaar and city walls, which were square and had gates on four sides, in accordance with the pattern of ancient Persian cities (Barthold, 1984).

8、 This set the framework for other developments that followed, and the city grew in significance, eventually to be selected in 1785 as the capital of the Qajar dynasty (17791925).On becoming the capital, the city swelled by courtiers and soldiers, who were followed by trades and services. From a popu

9、lation of 15,000 at the end of the 18th century, Tehran grew tenfold by the 1860s, with a 10th of its inhabitants now living outside the old walls (Ettehadieh, 1983). The countrys military defeats in its encounters with Britain and Russia had engendered a process of reform, which was now being exten

10、ded to the capital city. The second large-scale town planning exercise in Tehran, therefore, was conducted for accommodating growth and introducing modernization and reform. Starting in 1868 and lasting for 12 years, new city walls, in the form of a perfect octagon with 12 gates, were constructed, w

11、hich were more useful for growth management and tax collection than for their defensive value. Selection as the capital city and these transformations, which included a new central square, new streets, a bank, an institute of technology, a hospital, a telegraph house, hotels and European-style shops

12、, were, according to a British observer, a twofold renaissance for Tehran (Curzon, 1892, p. 300).The city continued to grow and pressure for modernization intensified, which was manifested in the Constitutional Revolution of 1906. A modern municipality was established in 1910, transforming the old s

13、ystem of urban governance. After the First World War, the Pahlavi dynasty came to power and this lasted from 1925 to 1979. The new regimes emphasis was on secularism and nationalism, which were reflected in administrative centralization, modernization of the army, expansion of bureaucracy, developme

14、nt of a transport network, integration of regions into a national market, and restructuring towns and cities (Abrahamian, 1982). The 1930s witnessed widespread road-widening schemes that tore apart the historic urban fabric, making them accessible to motor vehicles. The city of Tehran thus went thro

15、ugh its third major town planning exercise. The city walls of the 1870s were far too restrictive for a growing city. By 1932, population density had doubled to 105 persons per hectare and a third of the population lived outside the walls. In addition to demographic pressure, the arrival of motor veh

16、icles, the regimes desire to control urban populations and to modernize the urban infrastructure led to a substantial transformation of the capital, in which it was radically re-planned and re-built (Lockhart, 1939, p. 11). New boulevards were built on the ruins of the city walls and moats, as part

17、of a transport network of 218 km of new roads. The walled royal compound was fragmented and replaced by a new government quarter; retailers were encouraged to move to new streets and to abandon the old streets of the bazaar; and new buildings and institutions sprang up all over the city. The new str

18、eet network was imposed on the winding streets of old neighborhoods, with the aims of unifying the space of the city, overcoming the traditional factional social structure, easing the movement of goods, services and military forces, strengthening the market economy and supporting the centralization

19、of power. The city was turned into an open matrix, which was a major step in laying the foundations for further modernization and future expansion. The immediate result was the growth of the city from 310,000 inhabitants in 1932 to 700,000 in 1941. These large-scale urban planning and development ph

20、ases of Tehran were all efforts at modernization, instigating and managing radical change. However, while the first phase had used distinctively ancient Persian imagery and local expertise, the second and third phases employed European images and experts, primarily from France and Germany. What thes

21、e early town planning efforts shared was that they were all envisaging a particular new form and implementing it through the (re)development of the urban environment; they were all plans for a major series of physical changes executed in a relatively short period of time. The reforms in the second h

22、alf of the 19th century opened up the citys society and space to new economic and cultural patterns, and unleashed centrifugal and dialectic forces that exploded in two major revolutions. Economically, the city started to be integrated into the world market as a peripheral node. Embracing the market

23、 economy divided the city along the lines of income and wealth, while new cultural fault lines emerged along lifestyle and attitude towards tradition and modernity. Rich and poor, who used to live side by side in the old city, were now separated from one another in a polarizing city. Moreover, moder

24、nizers welcomed living in new neighborhoods and frequented new streets and squares, while traditionalists continued to live and work in the older parts of the city. Ever since, these economic and cultural polarizationsand their associated tensionshave characterized Irans urban conditions. Planning t

25、hrough land-use regulation: harnessing speculative developmentThe second type of planning to emerge in Tehran was in the 1960s, which saw the preparation of plansto regulate and manage future change. The city had grown in size and complexity to such an extent thatits spatial management needed additi

26、onal tools, which resulted in the growing complexity of municipalorganization, and in the preparation of a comprehensive plan for the city. After the Second World War, during which the Allied forces occupied the country, there was a period of democratization, followed by political tensions of the st

27、art of the cold war, and strugglesover the control of oil. This period was ended in 1953 by a coup detat that returned the Shah topower, who then acted as an executive monarch for the next 25 years. With high birth rates and an intensification of ruralurban migration, Tehran and other large citiesgr

28、ew even faster than before. By 1956, Tehrans population rose to 1.5 million, by 1966 to 3 million, and by 1976 to 4.5 million; its size grew from 46 km² in 1934 to 250 km² in 1976 (Kariman, 1976; Vezarat-e Barnameh va Budgeh, 1987). Revenues from the oil industry rose, creating surplus res

29、ources that needed to be circulated and absorbed in the economy. An industrialization drive from the mid-1950s created many new jobs in big cities, particularly in Tehran. The land reforms of the 1960s released large numbers of rural populationfrom agriculture, which was not able to absorb the expon

30、ential demographic growth. This new labourforce was attracted to cities: to the new industries, to the construction sector which seemed to be always booming, to services and the constantly growing public sector bureaucracy. Tehrans role as theadministrative, economic, and cultural centre of the coun

31、try, and its gateway to the outside world, was firmly consolidated.Urban expansion in postwar Tehran was based on under-regulated, private-sector driven, speculative development. Demand for housing always exceeded supply, and a surplus of labor and capital was always available; hence the flourishing

32、 construction industry and the rising prices of land and property in Tehran. The city grew in a disjointed manner in all directions along the outgoing roads, integrating the surrounding towns and villages, and growing new suburban settlements. This intensified social segregation, destroyed suburban

33、gardens and green spaces, and left the city managers feeling powerless. A deputy mayor of the city in 1962 commented that in Tehran, the buildings and settlements have been developed by whomever has wanted in whatever way and wherever they have wanted, creating a city that was in fact a number of to

34、wns connected to each other in an inappropriate way (Nafisi, 1964, p. 426). There was a feeling that something urgently needed to be done, but the municipality was not legally or financially capable of dealing with this process. The 1966 Municipality Act provided, for the first time, a legal framewo

35、rk for the formation of the Urban Planning High Council and for the establishment of land-use planning in the form of comprehensive plans. A series of other laws followed, underpinning new legal and institutional arrangements for the Tehran municipality, allowing the Ministry of Housing and others t

36、o work together in managing the growth of the city. The most important step taken in planning was the approval of the Tehran Comprehensive Plan in 1968. It was produced by a consortium of Aziz Farmanfarmaian Associates of Iran and Victor Gruen Associates of the United States, under the direction of

37、Fereydun Ghaffari, an Iranian city planner (Ardalan, 1986). The plan identified the citys problems as high density, especially in the city centre; expansion of commercial activities along the main roads; pollution; inefficient infrastructure; widespread unemployment in the poorer areas, and the cont

38、inuous migration of low-income groups to Tehran. The solution was to be found in the transformation of the citys physical, social and economic fabric (Farmanfarmaian and Gruen, 1968).The proposals were, nevertheless, mostly advocating physical change, attempting, in a modernistspirit, to impose a ne

39、w order onto this complex metropolis. The future of the city was envisaged tobe growing westward in a linear polycentric form, reducing the density and congestion of the city centre. The city would be formed of 10 large urban districts, separated from each other by green belts,each with about 500,00

40、0 inhabitants, a commercial and an industrial centre with high-rise buildings.Each district (mantagheh) would be subdivided into a number of areas (nahyeh) and neighborhoods(mahalleh). An area, with a population of about 1530,000, would have a high school and a commercial centre and other necessary

41、facilities. A neighborhood, with its 5000 inhabitants, would have a primary school and a local commercial centre. These districts and areas would be linked by a transportation network, which included motorways, a rapid transit route and a bus route. The stops on the rapid transit route would be deve

42、loped as the nodes for concentration of activities with a high residential density. A number of redevelopment and improvement schemes in the existing urban areas would relocate 600,000 people out of the central areas (Farmanfarmaian and Gruen, 1968). Almost all these measures can be traced to the fa

43、shionable planning ideas of the time, which were largely influenced by the British New Towns. In his book, The Heart of Our Cities, Victor Gruen(1965) had envisaged the metropolis of tomorrow as a central city surrounded by 10 additional cities,each with its own centre. This resembled Ebenezer Howar

44、ds (1960, p. 142) social cities, in which acentral city was surrounded by a cluster of garden cities. In Tehrans plan, a linear version of this concept was used. Another linear concept, which was used in the British New Towns of the time such as Redditch and Runcorn, was the importance of public tra

45、nsport routes as the towns spine, with its stopping points serving as its foci. The use of neighborhood units of limited population, focused on a neighborhood centre and a primary school, was widely used in these New Towns, an idea that had been developed in the 1920s in the United States (Mumford,

46、1954). These ideas remained, however, largely on paper. Some of the plans ideas that were implemented, which were rooted in American city planning, included a network of freeways to connect the disjointed parts of the sprawling metropolis; zoning as the basis for managing the social and physical cha

47、racter of different areas; and the introduction of Floor Area Ratios for controlling development densities.Other major planning exercises, undertaken in the 1970s, included the partial development of a New Town, Shahrak Gharb, and the planning of a new administrative centre for the cityShahestanby t

48、he British consultants LlewelynDavies, although there was never time to implement the latter, as the tides of revolution were rising. Planning through policy development: reconstruction after the revolution and warThe revolutionary and post-revolutionary period can be divided into three phases: revo

49、lution (19791988), reconstruction (19891996), and reform (19972004), each demonstrating different approaches to urban planning in Tehran. After two years of mass demonstrations in Tehran and other cities, the year 1979 was marked by the advent of a revolution that toppled the monarchy in Iran, to be

50、 replaced by a state which uneasily combined the rule of the clergy with parliamentary republicanism. Its causes can be traced in the shortcomings of the Shahs model of development, which led to clashes between modernization and traditions, between economic development and political underdevelopment

51、, between global market forces and local bourgeoisie, between foreign influence and nationalism, between a corrupt and complacent elite and discontented masses. Like the revolution of 1906, a coalition of many shades of opinion made the revolution of 1979 possible. In the first revolution, the moder

52、nizers had the upper hand, while in the second the traditionalists won the leadership. However, the attitudes of both revolutionsand the regimes that followed themto a number of major issues, including urban development, show a preference for modernization. In this sense, both revolutions can be see

53、n as explosive episodes in the countrys troubled efforts at progressive transformation (Madanipour, 1998, 2003). The revolution was followed by a long war (19801988) with Iraq, which halted economic development. Investment in urban development dwindled, while rural areas and provincial towns were fa

54、voured by the revolutionary government, both to curb ruralurban migration and to strike a balance with large cities. The key planning intervention in this period was to impose daytime restrictions on the movement of private cars in the city centre. Meanwhile, the war and the promise of free or low-c

55、ost facilities by the new government attracted more migrants to the capital city, its population reaching 6 million by 1986. The rate of population growth in the city had started to slow down from the 1950s, while the metropolitan region was growing faster until the mid-1980s, when its growth rate a

56、lso started to decline (Khatam, 1993). After the revolution and war, a period of normalization and reconstruction started, which lasted for most of the 1990s. This period witnessed a number of efforts at urban planning in Tehran. Once again, urban development had intensified without an effective fra

57、mework to manage it. The comprehensive plan came under attack after the revolution, as it was considered unable to cope with change. In 1998, the Mayor criticized it for being mainly a physical development plan, for being rooted in the political framework of the previous regime, and for not paying e

58、nough attention to the problems of implementation (Dehaghani, 1995). The comprehensive plans 25-year lifespan came to an end in 1991. A firm of Iranian consultants (A-Tech) was commissioned in 1985 to prepare a plan for the period of 19861996. After much delay, it was only in 1993 that the plan was

59、finally approved by the Urban Planning High Council. This plan also focused on growth management and a linear spatial strategy, using the scales of urban region, subregion, district, area and neighbourhood. It promoted conservation, decentralization, polycentric development, development of five satellite new towns, and increasing residential densities in the city. It proposed that the city be divided into 2