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1、31. If you plot the amount of the time a juvenile devotes to play each day over the course of its development, you discover a pattern typically associated with a “sensitive period ” a brief development window during which the brain can actually be modified in ways that are not possible earlier or la
2、ter in life. 如果你在小动物的发育过程中每天安排一段时间让它玩, 你会发现一个典型的与一段 “敏感时期” 有关系的模式一个短暂的发育期, 在此期间, 大脑实际上是可以改 变的,而这种改变在此之前或者之后都是不可能的。32. An important principle is that all corpora, whatever their size, are inevitably limited in their Coverage, and always need to be supplemented by data derived from the intuitions of n
3、ative speakers of the language, through either introspection or experimentation. 一个重要的原则是:所有的语料库,无论大小,其覆盖范围必然都是有限的,总是需 要补充一些资料, 这些资料来自土生土长说这种语言的人的直觉, 获取途径要么铜鼓 这些内省,要么通过实验。33. Anthropologists also use the term “culture ”in a more restricted sense when they refer to the “culture ”of a particular socie
4、ty, meaning the non-biological characteristics unique to that society, which distinguish it from other societies.人类学家也会从狭义上使用 “文化” 这个词来指某个特定社会的“文化” ,指的是这个 社会区别于其他社会的、独特的非生物特征。34. Whereas cultural anthropologists will often base their conclusions on the experience of living within contemporary commun
5、ities ,archaeologists study past societies primarily through their material remains the buildings, the tools, and other artifacts that constitute what is known as the material cultural left over from former societies.文化人类学家通常把他们的结论建立在当代社区的生活体验上,而考古学家则主要通 过残存的物质研究过去的社会房屋, 工具和其他人工制品, 它们构成了我们所知 的过去社会遗留
6、的物质文明。35. Archaeologists in recent decades have developed “ethnoarchaeology ” ,where, like ethnographers, they live among contemporary communities, but with the specific purpose of learning how such societies use material culturehoe they make their toolsand weapons , why they build their settlements
7、 where they do ,and so on. 最近几十年,考古学家发展了“种族文化考古学” ,他们像民族志研究者一样住在当 代社区里, 但他们有一个明确的目的, 那就是了解这些社会如何使用物质文明他 们如何制造工具和武器,为什么在现在的地点建造村落等等。36. To archaeology, which studies all cultures and periods whether with or without writing, the distinction between history and pre-history is a convenient dividing line
8、 that recognizes the importance of the written word , but in no way lessens the importance of theusefulinformation contained in oral histories.对研究所有文明和时期的考古学家来说, 无论有没有文字记录, 历史和史前史的区别 都是一条便利的分界线, 它承认书面文字的重要性, 但一点也不降低口述历史中包含 的有用信息的重要性。37. In this respect ,the practice of the archaeologist is rather li
9、ke that of the scientist, who collects data, conducts experiments, formulates a hypothesis, tests the hypothesis against more data, and then, in conclusion, devises a model that seems best to summarize the pattern observed in the data.从这个方面讲,考古学家所做的工作很像科学家的工作,他们搜集资料、进行实验、提出假设、 用更多的资料来检验假设, 最后得出一个似乎最
10、能从资料中观察到的模式 的模型。38. What is new is that, from the 1950s onwards, there have been certain general changes in outlook about the finitude of resources as a whole and of health-care resources in particular, as well as more specific changes regarding the clientele of health-care resources and the cost to
11、 the community of those resources.新鲜之处在于,从 20 世纪 50 年代起,关于保健资源的享用者和这些资源的社会成本, 人们的看法不仅发生了一些具体的改变, 同时, 对总体资源的有限性、 尤其是保健资 源的有限性,人们的看法也发生了某些普遍的变化。39. Looking back , it now seems quite incredible that in the national health systems that emerged in many countries in the years immediately after the 1939-19
12、45 World War, it was assumed without question that all the basic health needs of any community could be satisfied, at least in principle; the “invisible hand ”of economic progress would provide. 回顾过去,现在想想似乎更不可思议,在 1935-1945 年世界大战结束不久出现,在很 多国家的国家保健系统里, 人们毫不怀疑的认为, 任何社会所有基本保健需要都能得 到满足,至少从理论上来说是这样的,经济发展
13、的“无形之手”会提供这个条件。40. At exactly the same time as this new realization of the finite character of health-care resources was sinking in, an awareness of a contrary kind was developing in Western societies: that people have a basic right to health-care as a necessary condition of a proper human life.几乎就在
14、保健资源是有限的这个新认识刚刚被理解的同时, 一种相反的观点也在西方社 会逐渐形成:保健室人们的基本权利,是人类正常生活的一个必要条件。41. The second set of more specific changes that have led to the present concern about the distribution of health-care resources stems from the dramatic rise in health costs in most OECD countries, accompanied by large-scale demogra
15、phic and social changes which have meant, to take one example, that elderly people are now major( and relatively very expensive)consumers of health-care resources.导致人们如今关注保健资源分配问题的第二组更加具体的变化是因为经济合作与发展组 织的大多数成员国健康消费的急剧上升造成的,此外还有大规模的人口和社会变化, 这些变化意味着, 举例说,老年人是现在保健资源的主要 (而且相对而言非常昂贵的) 消费者。42. And finally
16、, most forms of environmental pollution either appear to have been exaggerated, or are transient associated with the early phases of industrialization and therefore best cured not by restricting economic growth, but by accelerating it. 最后,被夸大其词的或者转瞬即逝的环境污染的大多数形式都与工业化的初期有关, 因此最好的解决方法不是限制而是促进经济增长。43.
17、Yet opinion polls suggests that many people nurture the belief that environmental standards are declining and four factors seem to cause this disjunction between perception and reality.然而, 民意测验表明, 许多人相信环境质量正在下降, 有四个因素导致感觉与现实之 间这种的偏差。44. Even if Americas trash output continues to rise sa it has done
18、in the past, and even if the American population doubles by 2100, all the rubbish America produces through the entire 21st century will still take up only one-12,000th of the aera of the entire UnitedStates.即使美国和以前一样持续增加垃圾的输出量,即使美国人口在 2100 年翻一番,美国在 整个 21 世纪所生产的垃圾也只会占整个美国领土面积的 12000 分之一。45. A modern hard-core sociologist might even go so far as to claim that this aggressive instinct evolved as an advantageous trait, having been of survival value to ou
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